Rice and culture of the Ifugao
The Ifugao people of Cordillera Region in north-central Luzon Province in the Philippines inhabit a steep, mountainous landscape approximately 17° north of the equator. Rainfall is abundant in this region, with 2000 to 3000 mm of rain per year falling on the mixed tropical montane forest and rice terraces ([
5]: 1–4). Activities of the Ifuago are traditionally tied to agricultural management of ponded terraces (permanent cultivation) and swiddens (shifting cultivation), and ecological management of private forests (
muyong) typically located above the primary farming locations. Food obtained through the farming of swiddens, primarily sweet potatoes, is used to supplement Ifugao diet, as a form of crop security if rice harvests are low or ponded terraces damaged ([
5]: 1).
Monogamy is the rule of the Ifugao, who practice bilateral, consanguineal kinship, with secondary bonds of “neighborhood and propinquity” ([
5]: 5). Inheritance of property, conflict resolution and decisions regarding agriculture, follows a primogeniture birth order ([
5,
6]: 5). This inheritance rule allows both for the terraces and other agricultural land and private forests to remain undivided, and for rituals which emphasize Ifugao ancestor veneration to establish a clear connection between the living and the dead [
6]. Ifugao live primarily in “hamlets” composed of families with terraces in the same vicinity, bound together by either kinship or common ecological concerns. Several dozen hamlets comprise an average “district”, each with or led by a
tomona, the ritual leader who makes all district-wide agricultural decisions ([
5,
6]: 6). The
tomona owns a centrally located rice field, which is traditionally the first to be planted and harvested, and manages the property of this ritual field; in particular, the rice gods (
būl-uls) and basket reliquary (
panu’būngan) ([
5]: 6).
Borrowing from the “house” concept of social organization [
6‐
8] argues that the ritual agricultural field (
puntonaan) acts as the central, connecting point of Ifugao social relationships and indeed becomes an emergent property that defines Ifugao social organization. The Ifugao have continuously grown rice in an intricate series of terraces for hundreds of years. The increased expansion of terraces throughout the Cordillera Region of the Philippines resulted in ever-greater demands on soil, land, and water resources, leading to a “self-organization” model of social organization, where increased resource pressures led villagers within adjoining settlements to share labor and limited natural resources such as ponded terraces, land for shifting cultivation and forest resources, and water [
6]. This cooperative, self-organization is evident in the synchronization of various labor-intensive agricultural activities of communities within a watershed for activities including planting, weeding, pest control, irrigation, and harvest ([
5,
6]: 1–39).
Movements and migrations of Austronesian speakers brought cultivars of rice and taro to the Philippines, and these two crops formed the basis of pre-historic food production in Luzon [
9,
10]. The exact age of the rice terraces of the Ifugao region has been a matter of debate over the past 100 years. The pre-contact model put forth by Barton [
11] and reinforced by Beyer [
12] suggests that the terraces were 2000 to 3000 years old. This timeframe was based on calculations on the minimum amount of time it was projected to take to build terraces of this magnitude, and the pre-contact model is still the one most Filipinos adhere to today. The post-contact model suggests that the Spanish arrival to, and colonization of, Luzon in the 1600s expedited the movement of indigenous lowland groups to the Cordillera highlands, resulting in the construction of the rice terraces between 300 and 400 years ago [
13‐
18]. Recent archaeological evidence suggests that the Little Ice Age, which increased aridity in the Cagayan lowlands while simultaneously increasing rainfall in the highlands, encouraged an earlier group of people who may have moved into the Cordillera highlands in the 13
th century [
19].
The Ifugao people, due to their widespread construction and continued cultivation of their extensive system of rice terraces, are the most well-known of several minority ethnolinguistic groups in the Cordillera Region. Four clusters of terraces in the Ifugao region of the Philippine Cordillera were recognized by UNESCO as a World Heritage Cultural Landscape in 1995, and reclassified on the List of World Heritage in Danger in 2001. The terraces dapple the rugged landscape primarily across Ifugao and Mountain (formerly Bontoc) Provinces, but can also be found in the provinces of Apayao, Benguet, and Kalinga. In Ifugao Province alone there are an estimated 20,000 km of terrace walls, 7000 of which are composed of rock quarried from the mountainsides or alternatively carried up many hundreds of meters from the river bed below [
5,
20].
Rice production holds a place at the center of the Ifugao worldview [
5,
11]. Asian rice,
Oryza sativa, is the staple crop for more than 50 % of the global population, and is the most widely grown crop species worldwide ([
21]; World Rice Statistics,
http://www.irri.org; FAOSTAT,
http://fao.org).
O. sativa was domesticated from
O. rufipogon during the Neolithic era approximately 10,000 years BP, which gave rise to both the
japonica and
indica major variety groups [
22,
23]. It is the tropical japonica subpopulation that is traditionally grown on hillsides in Southeast Asia [
23,
24].
According to Conklin ([
5]: 13–35), the rice growing cycle begins in much of the Cordillera (with notable exceptions) in the rainy season with terrace repair and formation and field preparation, typically performed by men, followed by rice planting by women (Phase I). As the dry season arrives, rice cultivation and weeding occurs, followed by harvest (Phase II). However, this farming cycle was based on the use of traditional rice varieties (in Banaue, collectively called
tinawon) which were adapted to centuries old cultivation patterns. The traditional cycles were somewhat disrupted by the introduction of new varieties, which varied significantly in the number of days to reach harvest maturity, to the region ([
25]: 42). However, adoption of new varieties from formal breeding programs outside of the Cordillera region was often resisted or very slow to take hold, due partially to their inability to fit within the Ifuago agricultural cycle. In addition to their importance in rice production in Ifugao, the terraces also serve as the primary location for cultural rituals.
Current challenges to the traditional Ifugao lifestyle includes the rapid influx of tourism, outmigration for lowland city and overseas employment, and the related decline of traditional farming practices and spiritual rituals, the latter often performed by the
mumbaki, or local priest ([
26]: 71). Efforts focused on the conservation of traditional rice varieties and historically sustainable farming practices are methods currently employed to help revitalize traditional rice production practices in Ifugao.
Role of the finger knife in seed selection
Here I suggest an alternate theory: the
primary reason for the historical and continued use of the finger knife is for seed selection through a centuries old tradition of plant breeding. Though I accept the accuracy of the practical and community-based, socio-cultural reasons for the use of the finger knife put forth by other authors, I suggest that seed selection and genetic improvement was
the driving factor in the use of the finger knife. Indeed, intricate planting and harvesting rituals, which both ensured and encouraged varietal conservation and improvement co-evolved with the use of the finger knife as the primary harvest tool due to its unique ability to aid the farmer in the art and science of seed selection. Even in modern, highly technological plant breeding programs around the world today, the “art” of selection, based on the breeder’s intuition and experience, is considered vitally important to the release of new varieties; plant breeding is commonly defined as the art and science of improving traits and varieties of agricultural importance [
50‐
52].
Utilizing relatively high levels of crop and varietal diversity have been shown that farmers logically and rationally exploit genetic diversity to allow crops to adapt to different environmental and cultural conditions, thereby decreasing risk, improving pest management, and providing for more stable yields and a varied diet [
53‐
59]. Ethnoecological research also has shown that cultural values, memories and principles influence farmers’ decisions on what to grow ([
60‐
62]; Rhoades and [
60]). This extends to decision making regarding the selection, utilization and maintenance of traditional landraces over a long period of time, whereby farmers incorporate cultural traditions and practices that allow for the maintenance and continued improvement of food varieties ([
55,
60,
63]). In addition, the development and use of site-specific tools and locally adapted agricultural systems have been used in traditional farming communities worldwide to repel pests, protect habitat, and conserve soil and water resources [
64‐
66].
Skarbø [
67] showed that in the highlands of Ecuador, the farmers who ate a higher proportion of traditional foods, spoke more Kichwa than Spanish in intra-family communication, and wore the traditional dress had higher levels of agro-biodiversity, including intraspecific diversity, on their farms. In particular, farmers who consumed more traditional foods were more likely to grow more total varieties and landraces of maize, tubers, fruit crops, beans, vegetables and herbs, indicating that the use of local food traditions plays an important role in the fate of the rich crop diversity of the region [
67]. Furthermore, households in the study which preferred a diet with a high percentage of traditional foods also tend to grow the majority of these traditional foods rather than relying on the market. This suggests that maintenance of, and appreciation for, their cultural and agricultural heritage results in a stronger commitment to the cultivation and conservation of genetic and agro-biodiversity in their region [
67].
Use of the finger knife is critical to the selection of each year’s seed-rice. The individual harvesting of rice panicles using traditional and/or indigenous cultural practices, have played a role in the development of the diversity of traditional rice varieties. The harvest of individual panicles allows the farmer/seed-selector to carefully select plants with desirable qualities, and use this seed as the seed for the following season [
27]. Desirable characteristics will differ based on the regional microclimates, dominant diseases and pests, the most relevant agronomic, and seed quality properties. These could include such traits as resistance to disease or insect pests, plant height, panicle structure, degree of lodging number and number of fertile tillers, seed size and color, overall plant vigor and perceived grain yield. Ethnogastronomic seed quality traits such as taste, texture, cooking time, or stickiness of the rice [
3] when cooked would be more difficult to differentiate at this time, but will be critical post-harvest selection criteria.
In the Philippines, the terms
penar or
penal from the Proto Nuclear Cordilleran dialect mean ‘rice grain used for seed.’ This term is used specifically for rice seed that is sown in a seed bed from which seedlings will be transplanted into a pondfield [
20]. Estimates suggest that over 500 varieties of rice are adapted to the higher altitude (500 to 1600 m.a.s.l.), wet paddy, flooded farming system employed by the Ifugao ([
26]: p. 71). The Kantu′ in West Kalimantan, Indonesia, do not randomly select any portion of the harvest for use as seed in the following year’s swiddens. Rather, they select their seed-rice during a special phase of the harvest (
ngami’benih), each panicle being selected individually by the harvester for its visible, desirable characteristics [
34].
Cooperation among Ifugao farmers is important because the organization of community labor and swidden field, rice terrace, and forest management is critical in order to minimize conflict from unequal access to natural resources like water. Ifugao cultural practices of inheritance rule designed to ensure the continuity of property ownership of the household; conflict resolutions that typically involve property claims, marriages and distribution of meat which illustrate that relationships are not bound to fixed territories all suggest that the Ifugao social organization is explained by the concept of the “house society” ([
25]: 208). As such, the traditional agricultural practices in Ifugao have organizing principle. For example, the village ritual head (
tomona) coordinates certain agricultural activities in ways to increase rice productivity, control water use, manage available labor which provide continuity to the village, or “house” ([
25]: 210). The
tomana owns a central plot (
puntunagan) which is the traditionally the first to planted or harvested, and which serves as a signal to other villagers that they can begin planting or harvesting ([
5]: 110). To put this practice into a more global context, at least within the region of Southeast Asia, we can look to the rituals and traditions associated with seed selection among the Baduy of West Java, Indonesia.
The Baduy people of the highlands of West Java still primarily grow traditional varieties of rice, despite an influx of high yielding varieties into the country. These rice varieties have been actively selected to match the varying local micro-environmental conditions, including a ecotypic diversity of soil type and fertility, exposure to sunlight, and water availability [
68]. Interestingly, most rice consumed as food by the Baduy are high yielding varieties purchased in the lowland markets; the local landrace varieties are produced and maintained primarily for ritualist purposes involving their traditional swidden system [
68]. The Baduy women, accompanied by their husband, carefully conduct selection for superior rice genotypes within each of the approximately 89 local landraces that are grown each year; this special process is called
dipasing. After
dipasing occurs, homogeneous bundles of panicles from each variety are selected, marked, and hung to dry on a bamboo pole [
68].
A similar ritual found among the Baduy in West Java occurs just prior to planting, when the male head of a household prepares the
pungpuhunan (the sacred place in the center of a swidden field). Two seeds of sacred rice, called the ‘rice mother’, are sown in the middle of the
pungpuhunan [
68], after which seven holes are planted with one landrace variety of sacred rice (
57-pare koneng) inside the
pungpuhunan and seven holes are planted with a different landrace variety of sacred rice (
53-pare ketan siang) outside the
pungpuhunan. A minimum of five sacred landraces are planted and kept separate by the planting of other non-sacred landraces (Fig.
7) [
68]. This has the practical purpose of prevent cross-pollination or accidental mixing of the sacred landraces, thereby ensuring its purity. Outcrossing in rice ranges from 1 to 2 % in the domesticated, autogamous species
O. sativa and from 7 to 56 % in
O. rufipogon, the wild ancestor to
O. sativa [
69,
70], depending on floral characteristics, including stigma length, anther length and percent of exerted stigma [
71].
Conclusions
One of the primary reasons proposed for the extent of traditional rice diversity lies in the use of the finger knife. Grist ([
46]: 59–60; c.f. [
72] 167–8) and others suggest that an implement which cuts panicles individually allows the harvester and seed-selectors to notice and exploit variation. This heterogeneity in a rice field may include variation for traits such as plant height, panicle length, density or weight, straw strength, number and vigor of secondary fertile tillers, color in the leaves, straw and panicle, seed size and color, overall plant vigor and perceived grain yield, and resistance to disease or insect pests. In areas of wet-rice cultivation where sickles replaced finger knives, harvest proceeds more rapidly, thus diminishing the ability of the farmer to conduct selection, whether it be positive (taking seed from superior rice plants) or negative (removal of inferior plants from the harvested population). This can result in a loss of homogeneity and a slow decrease in the overall fitness of the rice population, often resulting in random and unselected mixed stands which produce lower yields [
68].
Several theories in have been put forth to explain the seemingly unwarranted rejection of the superior technology found in the sickle compared to the finger knife. These theories, which include community-based social organization ideas and practical motives for the continued use of the finger knife, are completely valid and explain some of the reasons why finger knives were used for so long after the introduction of the sickle. However, I suggest that the most important reason that the finger knife remained in use for so long was due to the centuries-long co-evolution between the finger knife harvesting tool used by farmers and seed selectors and the planting and harvesting rituals which ensured both the conservation and the continual improvement of rice varieties.
Acknowledgements
The author gratefully acknowledges three reviewers who provided valuable suggestions which improved the overall value and readability of the manuscript. In addition, the author is most appreciative of the generous guidance and assistance in gaining access to the Dr. Harold Conklin collection of Ifugao finger knives provided by Dr. Roger Colten and Maureen DaRos White of the Division of Anthropology, Yale Peabody Museum. This paper is dedicated to the memory of three outstanding scientists. Dr. Ben Vergara, a National Scientist awardee conferred by the Philippine National Academy of Science and Technology agriculture division, collected and donated numerous unique Ifugao finger knives to the Rice Museum housed at the International Rice Research Institute (IRRI). Dr. Bart Duff, an economist in the Agricultural Engineering Department at IRRI, coordinated the Women in Rice Farming Systems program to address women's concerns in both research and extension programs on rice farming systems. Dr. Harold Conklin, a linguist and cultural anthropologist, worked with the Ifuago for decades and wrote the seminal book 'Ethnographic Atlas of Ifugao'. His collection of finger knives, housed at the Peabody Museum at Yale University, were particularly useful in the development of this paper.