Cultural significance of wild mammals in mayan and mestizo communities of the Lacandon Rainforest, Chiapas, Mexico

The number of species (38) recognized by the communities in this study represents 44.46% of the reported mammal fauna of the Lacandon Rainforest [36]. This indicates the importance of this taxonomic group for the studied population. In general indigenous and rural communities of the Neotropic recognize an elevated portion of mammals present in their land as significant. For example, other indigenous and mestizo groups in the Lacandon Rainforest recognize 31 species of mammals [37], while in two communities of Hueytamalco, Puebla, Mexico 36 species are recognized [38], the Shuar in Ecuador recognize 16 species, the Tacana in Bolivia 43, and the inhabitants of Calera, Colombia 19 [39-41].

On the other hand, it is possible to document the level of significance of mammals in the study zone through linguistic analysis and local taxonomy and classification systems. According to Turner [7] the most culturally significant organisms are those with simple, non-analyzable names. 68% of the Spanish names, and 73% of the Lacandon Maya names meet this criterion. Furthermore, most of the significant local species of mammals (78%) have a one-to-one correspondence with biological species as described by Berlin et al. [35]. This is, each local generic taxon relates to a single species of the linnean systematics. In the case of bats and mice, for example, there is a sub-differentiation, since one generic name corresponds to all the regional species within the taxonomic group.

Mammals are an extremely charismatic group that is generally present in people’s minds, ethnic condition, cultural traditions, or closeness to wilderness notwithstanding [42]. This is among the reasons we consider might explain why no differences were found in the number of species mentioned in Lacandon and mestizo communities. As mentioned above, mammals have a greater significance than other taxa and a high percentage of local species is recognized. Accordingly, it is not strange that, no matter what their cultural tradition was, the interviewed population mentioned a similar set of species. What is more, both human groups inhabit very similar ecosystems which in all likelihood contain (or recently contained) the same species [43].

Within the four studied communities, tepezcuintle, puerco de monte, venado cola blanca, and armadillo are the most frequently mentioned species. These coincide completely with the species reported in other studies carried out with indigenous and mestizo groups all over the Neotropic region [44-53]. These species are considered important because of their value as food and their contribution to animal protein intake. Moreover, the preference of these mammals based on their flavor and size has been documented [53]. In particular, tepezcuintle is considered to carry the best protein value in addition to being considered a tender, tasty, and “clean” meat –meaning it is locally conceived to be free of parasites and harmful substances–. Diverse studies in the Neotropic region single out the tepezcuintle as the preferred consumed species [54-59].

In the studied communities, not all of the frequently mentioned species are deemed useful. In addition to the four edible species, the jaguar appears among the most mentioned species. While this species was mentioned within three use categories (edible, medicinal, and ornamental), it is also present in non-utilitarian categories, such as “present in narratives” and “harmful species”. The qualitative interviews gathered information supporting that this animal’s harmfulness might be more relevant to the evaluation of its significance than are its uses. Duality is a common feature in Mesoamerican societies’ worldviews [60]; however, the interviewed were always emphatic when pointing out the harmful condition of jaguar. This fact is even present within narratives. Among mestizo population this is due to the fact that it sometimes feeds from calves and sheep, even becoming the main reason for cattle disappearance. This is a recurring situation among Neotropic populations engaged in stockbreeding [61-64]. For the Lacandon, jaguars are also considered harmful because they can attack people who wander alone in the wilderness. In Lacandon narratives, the jaguar is conceived as an entity with the capability to transform into a human and deceive Lacandons to bring them into the jungle, get them lost, and eat them. While qualitative interviews shed light on the fact that the “harmful” condition of an animal is a decisive factor on people’s valuation of the jaguar, more precise studies are needed for the evaluation of the quantitative variables of significance (or subindexes) to analyze through multivariate techniques which indicators weigh more in the valuation people makes. Such cultural significance indexes allow a clearer understanding of the reasons behind this phenomenon [13].

Even though the number and composition of mentioned species do not significantly vary between communities, there is evidence of contrasting cultural patterns between the relationships that are established by Lacandon or mestizo groups with the mammals of the Lacandon Rainforest. The classification analyses and PCA show an apparent division between Lacandon and mestizo populations based on the relative significance of the species.

The PCA showed that the characters with the largest weight in the discrimination of the Lacandon and mestizo communities were the frequencies of mention of species such as the sereque, tuza, and cabeza de viejo. The Lacandons stated that both the tuza and the sereque are abundant and may be frequently observed within crop fields (particularly milpas). They are also considered edible. Tuzas on the other hand, are considered harmful for crop fields and are mentioned in a cosmogonic myth. On the other hand, for mestizo communities these species are not considered to be neither edible nor abundant.

Another differential aspect between communities of different ethnic origin is the composition of the lists of the most frequently mentioned mammals. For example, there are species which are exclusively mentioned by one of the groups. Cacomixtle, armadillo de cola desnuda, and tlacuache dorado, for instance, were only mentioned by Lacandons. These species are rare, scarce, nocturnal, and particular to zones with preserved vegetation. These features make them hard to detect for most people, with the exception of nocturnal hunters and occasional viewers. The same stands for the grison and tlacuache de agua, which have been observed by few in the mestizo communities.

Another evidence of the differences between Lacandons and mestizos concerning their mammal fauna is the number of times each group mentions some of the species. The tapir, jaguar, venado, and puerco de monte are significantly more mentioned by mestizos, while the sereque is more often mentioned by Lacandons. This pattern may be explained by the abundance of these species in different zones of the Lacandon Rainforest. Even though there is no information about mammal abundance for the study areas, there is evidence of local viewings which may be taken into account to state that tapir, jaguar, venado, and puerco de monte have a lower or even inexistent abundance in the zone inhabited by the Lacandons. The mestizo communities are located within the buffer zone of the Montes Azules Biosphere Reserve, which encases about 330, 000 Ha of rainforest, an ideal habitat for these species to maintain stable abundances. Given this situation, it is expected for mestizo populations in this area to observe them and interact more or less frequently with them. Contrastingly, in the region inhabited by the Lacandons there are either few registers of species such as puerco de monte, venado cola blanca, jaguar, and tapir or there have been no registers for several years. Lacandon communites have small rainforest surfaces (around 3000 Ha each) and these are fragmented, surrounded by great areas adapted for stockbreeding from neighboring lands. Even though both territories are Areas for the Protection of Flora and Fauna, habitat reduction and furtive hunting carried out by inhabitants of neighbor communal lands have undoubtedly provoked a diminishing of species abundance. While one of the main issues when comparing these areas with different cultural traditions is the absence of precise and current data concerning the richness and abundance of mammal species, there is evidence showing that richness (and probably abundance) of species was similar throughout the Lacandon Rainforest as recently as 30 years ago [43]. However, this has varied in more recent times. While these changes lead us to think that ecological differences might be a factor influencing the cultural significance of mammals, studies evaluating the specific relation between these two variables are needed to prove it.

Several authors have described the relationships of human communities in the Neotropic region with wild fauna. They point out that mammals are considered some of the most important resources because of the use they are put to and/or the fact that people must be careful around them [65,66].

Even though the categories are the same for mestizos and Lacandons, differences are found between the two. The Lacandon population does not currently use any parts of mammas as utensils and tools, however this used to be a common use which has gradually disappeared –partly due to the integration of these communities to modern society– [67].

The main categories reported in all four communities–according to the number of species within these–are harmful, in first place, and edible, in second place. 84% of the recognized species fall into one of these categories. In general, from an etic perspective, ethnobiology considers that significance is based on the usefulness and use of species [68]. However, in this particular case, many mammals have a negative significance for communities because of the damage they cause to crops, cattle, or even people. This emic notion of mammals as harmful agents has been previously documented in the Neotropic, in particular when referring to species like tejon and puerco de monte, which damage milpas (maize crops) [69]. Furthermore, big carnivores are conceptualized in this negative fashion and are often eliminated because of the conflict they generate with stockbreeding communities [70]. In the case of Lacandons, these animals are kept away by setting up smoke-producing fires in each of the corners of the crop fields. Mestizos, on the other hand, use fabric softener to keep them out –this is due to the fact that, according to the interviewed, animals detect a scent that they relate to humans and keep away–, but if the animals’ presence persists, they are hunted. Among mestizos, this situation is constantly accentuated by the tendency of these communities to adopt extensive cattle breeding. Even though in Lacandon communities this species are not hunted, habitat reduction, extensive cattle breeding, and hunting in neighboring cattle breeding communities, have caused a drastic decrease of this carnivore’s population. This pattern of elimination of big cats is recurrent all across American rainforests [70,71].

The “edible” condition is, without a doubt, one of the main reasons for the conceived significance of mammals in the Neotropic region [16,41]. Consumption of wild mammals contributes an important portion of animal protein [72]. In the words of the interviewed population this use occurs basically because of the lack of resources to obtain farm animals and because of wild game. Both Lacandons and mestizos state that carne de monte (wild game) has a better flavor than flavor than farm animals and do not contain hormones or parasites since they are conceived as “clean animals”.

As far as the number of species related to particular CS categories differences can be appreciated even though they are not significant. Both Lacandon communities know more edible species than mestizo communities. This pattern hold for other peoples of the Neotropic region such as the Mayan in the Yucatan Peninsula [71,73]. Furthermore, among Lacandon communities there is a larger number of species included in narratives. These narratives clearly express the people’s worldview, a transcendent aspect in the understanding of their cultural traits [28]. The “narrative” category includes all tales, stories, cosmogony myths, and even the relationship of certain species to ritualistic practices. Even though some examples of narratives exist among mestizos, these are only remembered as something forefathers used to say but which is not currently believed in, particularly among the youngest. However, among Lacandons these narratives are a dynamic part of everyday life and are still transmitted to new generations [74]. Even among this indigenous group, there are cosmogony myths in which different species of mammals have a chief role in the explanation of the origin of the world and of the Lacandons (Table 4). Otherwise, mestizos conceive a greater number of species as harmful.