Economic security
Economic security emerged as the key challenge. After losing their husbands, the women claimed that they had no desire to remarry. Only one woman remarried (and was subsequently widowed for a second time), she reported that her second marriage was problematic. The universal reason given for not remarrying was for the sake of their children, in Priya’s words: “I did not wish to remarry because my children are precious to me”. All the women in the sample had children; the age of widowhood ranged between 21 and 63 years of age with most women widowed during their late 20s or 30s (Table
1). Elsamma, for example, had 5 children by the time she was widowed at the age of 27 years. Without remarrying, the widows had to secure their economic well-being in other ways.
Three women had adult children – sons and daughters – who supported them; one of these women, Jamila a Muslim woman widowed at the age of 63, was also receiving her husband’s retirement pension (Table
2). Jamila, despite having some health problems, reported the least problems among the participants:
Table 2
Income generation activities and financial support among widows interviewed
Geeta | Self employed | - | 10, 000 Rs. from Family welfare society, 750 Rs. from church,loan from SHG for buying milch cow |
Elsamma | - | - | 200 Rs. per year from children |
Amina | Agriculture worker incoffee estate | - | - |
Jamila | - | Husband’s retirement pension | Loan from kudumbrasree to buy chickens |
Lata |
Kuli worker | * | Loan from kudumbrasree to buy 10 chickens |
Priya | - | - | Supported by son |
Usha | Anganvadi assistant | Loan from housing board for house | Supported by daughters |
Sumathi | Domestic worker | Widow pension | Supported by middle daughter |
Leela |
Kuli worker | Widow pension | - |
Shantha | - | Widow pension | Supported by eldest daughter/son-in-law |
"“
My husband had been a school teacher
.
I am getting his pension
.
My children are taking care of me
.
I am receiving treatment from Dr
.
Jayla at Salka Hospital
.
I take ordinary food
.
I receive everyone
’
s respect asan elder
.”"
Without family support, the other respondents talked about their struggle to make ends meet. Three women were receiving the widow pension, which entailed Rs 110 per month, received in two lump sums each year (Table
2). Other respondents were not eligible, as a woman needs to meet three criteria: belonging to a household that is below the poverty line, have no living son aged 18 years or older, and has not remarried. The main drawback for these criteria is among women whose adult son does not care for the family. For example, Sumanthi discussed how her son does not provide any financial support for her and the family despite the many health problems faced by her and the family:
"“
My son does not provide any financial support
.
A few days ago he visited us then left the household without assisting us even though I asked for money to pay for medicine for myself and his sister
.”"
Sumanthi does collect the widow pension, which she said was facilitated by political connections as her husband had been working with the Communist Party of India (Marxist). But for other women, they complained about the difficulties faced in applying for the widow pension, such as travelling alone to the office and handling the administrative requirements. As Geeta recalled:
"“
I had a bad experience with the Panchayat offices
.
I went for documents and the staff of the office asked me to come back in the evening and it was for bad intentions
,
I felt that they would harass me
.”"
Shantha eventually received the widow pension, but only after a ward councillor intervened on her behalf:
"“
I have been receiving the widow pension for the past three years
.
I applied a number of times for it but did not receive it
.
They say that they do not know the reason
.
Finally
,
my ward member applied for me and now I have it
.”"
Six women work in low paying jobs as agricultural labourers (generally known as
kuli workers who engage in wage labour), domestic workers, and child care providers (Table
2). At the time of her husband’s death, Usha was not able to meet the needs of her and her three children as an
anganvadi assistant:
"“
I received an honorarium of Rs
.
50 per month
,
which was not sufficient to support my family
.
I took on additional work
.
I would work at the angavadi from 9
:
30 to 3
:
00
,
and in the evenings I would clean houses
.
On Saturdays and Sundays I would work as a kuli worker making 10
–
12 rupees per day
.”"
Today, Usha’s life is easier because her children have grown up and are supporting her including her eldest daughter Beena. Leela had previously travelled to another district, finding work as a domestic help. She has since returned to live with her parents and is a kuli worker. We were also informed of the two women who had left the panchayat after becoming widows that one had gone to find work in a nearby district and the other had joined a convent.
One opportunity for economic security was to participate in a self help group, a form of microcredit program. Three of the respondents took loans from self help groups. These women talked about how these loans have helped them. In one case, Geeta had previously gone for wage work, but she was often taunted by men for travelling outside the house. After joining a kudumbrasree group (a self help group supported by the local government) she was able to purchase two milch cows with a loan:
"“
I have been a member of Kudumbrasree for two years
.
I took a loan and bought a milch cow
.
I also have a second cow
,
both of which recently had calves
.
From the two cows I am able to extract 10 litres of milk a day
.
For each litre of milk I will receive about Rs
.
10 selling to the Milk Society
.
I am happy with this
,
I am now self
-
sufficient
.”"
Geeta further explained that her new job enables her to stay at home to care for her children. Jamila and Lata took loans to purchase chickens, which were used to supplement other sources of income. Other respondents, however, did not reap similar benefits from self help groups. Usha, for example, reported having to withdraw from a self help group due to time constraints:
"“
Two years back I joined a self help group
.
I enjoyed being a member but I had to withdraw because of lack of time
.
I was working morning till evening six days a week
.
On Sundays I would clean and take care of my own home
.
I was also unable to participate in any of the activities outside of the meetings
.”"
Social mobility and social isolation
The second key challenge was related to social mobility and social isolation. Among the younger respondents, they voiced their difficulty with new restrictions in their social mobility. This included attending certain religious and social activities, but also seeking health care, as illustrated by Geeta:
"“
I am not allowed to go free and travel free
.
It is better to have a husband just for name sake at least
.
In this way others will not comment on me
.
The people are not allowing me to wear a decent dress in the absence of a husband
.
When my husband was alive I was taken care of very well and if I was ill
,
he took me for treatment at the hospitals
….
Now I am not able to attend festivals and such activities because of the way people talk
.”"
The older respondents talked about feelings of isolation. Elsamma, an elderly widow has five living children, yet she lives alone in a house provided by the government. She received few visitors and cooked for herself. Jamala lives with her son and his family, but still expressed feeling lonely. This situation improved for some women, however, after they joined a self help group. For Priya, becoming a member of a self help group opened up new social networks:
"“
I joined RASTA
[
a local NGO
]
self help groups 7 years ago
,
replacing my daughter as a member in one group following her marriage
.
At that time I was quite lonely in the house and found self help groups gaveme friendships
.”"
For Priya, who did not take a loan (because she was not in need of a loan), it was also the social dimensions of the SHG that she felt was important for her. Leela has also continued as a member of a self help group because of the social aspects of the group, having no interest in taking a loan (because she was worried that she would not be able to repay the loan). Social networking and social support was cited by other women who had taken loans as an additional benefit to their membership.
Access to health care
The third key challenge voiced by the participants was related to health. The respondents talked about a range of health problems, the most common being respiratory problems, joint and body pain, and mobility difficulties. Despite facing health problems, most respondents revealed that they had difficulties meeting health care costs for themselves or for a family member. This is illustrated by Usha’s story:
"“
I have some problems in my back and shoulders
,
bone disintegration
,
causing a great deal of pain
.
I think this is caused by pulling water from the well at the anganvadi
.
I visit the public hospital
.
The doctor told me that if I pay Rs
.
2000 I could have a ring put in my back to help ease the pain
.
I cannot find the money for this
.
I also have uterus pain
.
At times I cannot urinate
,
I will then go for treatment from the doctor who will prescribe medicine
.
I will take this medicine until the urine comes back
.
After this
,
the pain and urinal dysfunctions will come back
.
The doctor has suggested she remove her uterus
,
for which I have not even questioned the cost
.”"
Sumanthi needed to take care of her 35 year old daughter with a mental disorder requiring medicines costing Rs. 42 for five days. At the time of the interview, the condition of her daughter had worsened as the family did not have the money to purchase her medicine. Only Jamila, who had both her husband’s pension and the support of her children, was able to access the health care she needed.