Introduction
It is now recognised that female gamers often report the experience of harassment and other negative behaviours while playing online (Cote
2015; Gray et al.
2017; Holz Ivory et al.
2014; McLean and Griffiths
2013; Vermeulen et al.
2014). Yee (
2006) has argued that online games promote sociability, communication, and collaboration amongst players. Furthermore, much research has pointed to the importance of social elements of gaming in terms of motivation and engagement in play (e.g. Dalisay et al.
2015; Domahidi et al.
2018; Longman et al.
2009; Zhang and Kaufman
2016). This emphasis on social partners in gaming implies that depending on who players encounter each time they enter the gaming world, their experience will vary. This uniqueness of each person’s experience means that there is substantial scope to consider the experience of females in gaming if they are predominantly experiencing particular types of social interactions during their gaming.
Bowman et al. (
2015) noted that online videogame play has long been understood as an entertaining medium for many, and that an important element of their appeal is in their ability to foster feelings of sociability and belonging with others. Social support is one of the most significant benefits from social relationships, and is an indicator of one’s relationship quality and psychological wellbeing (Cohen et al.
2000), and so an understanding of the impact of gaming on social support remains paramount. In a recent longitudinal study exploring the impact of gaming on social outcomes, Domahidi et al. (
2018) reported the differences between three dimensions of social relations: social ties (antecedents), social capital (resource), and social support (outcomes). Social ties refer to individuals’ interpersonal connections which lead to the generation of social capital and the development of social support.
Much of the previous research on online gaming has predominantly used male participants. However, research has highlighted the negative interactions that female gamers sometimes experience. This suggests that the female online gaming experience may be significantly different to the findings from previous research. There is a need to develop a greater understanding of the experience of females, and the influence of these online social interactions on further play but on also on their lives overall. The present research therefore explores the types of relationships and interactions that female gamers experience online as part of their gaming experience and how actively involved females are in the social element of gaming. Trepte et al. (
2012) have suggested that social ties are developed in online gaming via social interactions that occur outside of gaming and competing, and it is important to understand the level of involvement female gamers are experiencing in gaming. The present research extends previous research in the area of gaming, and considers the implications of social interaction in gaming for female players. Online gaming has been viewed as a predominantly a male activity. However, recent data suggests that almost half of those who play videogames are female (United Kingdom Interactive Entertainment
2016). Therefore, a greater understanding is valuable to understand their experience in gaming, and the potential impact of the experience on them.
Social Support
Social support can be described as a multidimensional concept and is directly related to the characteristics and functions of social relationships (Lourel et al.
2013). According to House et al. (
1988), social support is an interpersonal event that takes place in multiple dimensions, related to emotional, instrumental, information, and esteem supports. Cohen (
2004) describes social support in terms of similar dimensions but with the addition of structural support (the size and extent of an individual’s social network and frequency of social interactions) and functional support (an individual’s perception that social interactions have been beneficial in meeting emotional or instrumental needs).
According to Semmer et al. (
2008), social support is best viewed in terms of instrumental supports, the actual helping behaviours that people offer to another person, while emotional support is the reassurance or emotional support offered to reinforce sense of worth and feelings of self-efficacy. Thoits’ (
2010) description of social support makes reference to emotional, informational, and/or practical assistance from significant others, and argues there is a distinction between actual support that is received from others or simply perceived to be available when needed. The effectiveness of social support for each individual is said to depend on the match between the source, type, and timing of social support and the needs of the individual (Cohen and McKay
1984; Cutrona and Russell
1990; Jacobson
1986).
The structural aspect of social support refers to social integration (involvement in society based on social roles and identities) and social networks (individuals or support available to a person), while the functional aspect refers to the various support functions that relationships can provide. The present study is interested in the functional aspect of social support in terms of social support that gamers perceive to be available to them. To account for the complexity of human needs and interactions, numerous dimensions of perceived social support have been developed (e.g. House et al.
1985; Langford et al.
1997). However, the most common elements relate to the perception of support available and involves two dimensions of support—emotional and instrumental support (Trepte and Scharkow
2016)—which are both primarily provided by strong social relationships.
Therefore, perceived support refers to the perception that support would be available if needed, as well as an individual’s perception from whom they could seek support (Day and Livingstone
2003). Bolger et al. (
2000) concluded that an individual does not have to experience social support physically but only has to sense that support is available to benefit from social support effects. Park et al. (
2013) further suggest that perceived support relates to past experience and the perception that an individual has received such emotional support such as compassion and encouragement from others. Perceived social support is therefore subjective and linked to past experiences, and as the present study is interested in the lived experiences of the female gamers, this appears to be the most relevant element of social support to explore.
Social Support and Health
There is substantial evidence to indicate that social support is essential for maintaining physical and psychological health (Cohen
2004; Cohen et al.
2000; Holt-Lunstad et al.
2010; House et al.
1988; Uchino et al.
2012). The structure of social networks (Brissette et al.
2000), the support individuals receive from others (Cohen et al.
2000), the quality and quantity of social interactions (Kiecolt-Glaser and Newton
2001), and feelings of isolation and loneliness (Cacioppo et al.
2009), have all been identified as major predictors of health and wellbeing. Supportive social support networks are therefore argued to be integral to promoting both physical and mental health outcomes.
It has also been argued that social support can act as a buffer for the effects of stress on psychological distress, depression, and anxiety (Cohen and Wills
1985; Kawachi and Berkman
2001). Both instrumental and emotional support have been found to be valuable aspects of the coping process for those who are faced with chronic and acute stress (Semmer et al.
2008). High levels of social support are also related to lower perceptions of stress, less stress exposure, and lower depression (Sarason et al.
1990; Russell and Cutrona
1991). Perceived social support has the potential to provide a buffer in times of stress, increase happiness, and enhance psychological wellbeing (e.g. Barrera
1986; Cohen and Wills
1985; Winemiller et al.
1993). Day and Livingstone (
2003) suggest that one’s perception of their social support network has an essentially greater coping effect than if they actually receive the support, suggesting the importance of understanding each person’s individual perception of their social networks and relationships in all aspects of life.
Social Support and Online Interaction
Internet interaction has been positively associated with the development of social support (Ellison et al.
2014; Kim
2014; Olson et al.
2012; Steinfield et al.
2008). Recent research by Pendry and Salvatore (
2015) with female participants argued that online interactions can foster rather than hinder offline engagement because it fosters individual wellbeing. Active internet users have been found to be more likely to use other communication tools, to have frequent face-to-face conversations (Baym et al.
2004), and to have contact with a greater number of people (Wang and Wellman
2010). A study by Olson et al. (
2012) suggests that while face-to-face friends offer higher levels of social support across all three types (emotional, informational, and instrumental), online friends augment the support provided through these three types of social support. In terms of the type of social support provided by others in online settings, Ko et al. (
2013) proposed that the most common types of social support provided online include validation of views, compliments, and encouragement to others. The level of use of online interaction has been argued to contribute to the experience of online social support to a greater extent than the number of strong ties an individual has (Kim
2014). However, many females have reported the experience of receiving disproportionate attention in online interactions, particularly of a sexual nature, in comparison to males (Herring et al.
2002).
Social Support and Online Gaming
Research exploring social interactions and relationships in gaming has examined the role of social factors as both motivating factors and as an outcome. Initial research assumed that online interactions were not suited to generate offline social support, and potentially impacted negatively on relationships offline (Miyata and Kobayashi
2008; Pollet et al.
2011). The development of online gaming communities and collaborative gaming environments has led to extensive research on the impact of these games on social support. While early research focused on the impact of gaming on offline relationships and activities (particularly the displacement hypothesis), more recent research has recognised the positive impact of gaming on social support, in terms of the development of social ties online and offline, social capital, social identity, and civic engagement.
Social factors in gaming have been argued to be central motivating factors for gamers (Jansz and Martens
2005; Yee
2006; Przybylski et al.
2010). Online gamers and in particular those who play massively multiplayer online role-playing games (MMORPGs) have been found to seek out interactions with others (Voulgari et al.
2014). Rogers (
2017) recently suggested that games that emphasise social elements lead to relatedness. Recent studies have indicated the development of online social ties with others via online gaming (Blinka and Mikuska
2014; Domahidi et al.
2014), with Zhang and Kaufman (
2016) suggesting—contrary to other research emphasising this effect with younger gamers—older adults also develop significant friendships online while gaming. Kaye et al. (
2017) suggest there are psychosocial benefits of online engagement, specifically in relation to identifying and connecting with others in MMO games. Trepte et al. (
2012) argue that there is a need for gamers to engage with others in online activities outside of gaming to allow for the development of strong ties with other gamers. Familiarity between gamers and engagement in any kind of game-management or team-management led to the development of greater social support in both settings, in online as well as offline settings in this research.
Players have also been found to extend their offline social ties via online game play with offline friends (Domahidi et al.
2014; Eklund and Roman
2017) and to transfer in-game experiences to their social networks outside game play (Domahidi et al.
2014; Snodgrass et al.
2011; Trepte et al.
2012). In line with this, Granic et al. (
2014) proposed that the social contexts of online games means that gamers are learning social skills which are transferable to their relationships outside of the gaming environment. Domahidi et al. (
2014) longitudinal research suggests that online gaming does not impact offline friendships negatively and that gaming-related friendships do not impact social outcomes, as measured by emotional and instrumental social support (Domahidi et al.
2018). The research suggested that playing online games together might be important as a bonding activity for some individuals to share with close friends.
Consequently, the research suggests that for some players, social online gaming could help to strengthen pre-existing friendships (Cole and Griffiths
2007; Williams
2006). Emotionally sensitive (i.e. shy) game players have been found to have significantly more online friends than less shy players, suggesting that they are more likely to use online gaming spaces to overcome their offline social limitations (Kowert et al.
2014). The motivations to develop social ties via gaming was further highlighted by Domahidi et al. (
2014) in a relatively large sample (
N = 2213) suggesting that people with social capital motives were more likely to meet online friends in offline settings than those motivated by other factors. Putnam (
1993) defined social capital as the social networks, social trust, and norms of reciprocity that are developed in relationships and organisations. Dalisay et al. (
2015) suggest that social motivation to play is associated with social capital (social trust and neighbourliness) in college students.
Recent research has examined the impact of social relationships developed in online gaming environments. Kobayashi (
2010) found that online communities developed via gaming led to increased social tolerance in a group of online gamers in Japan. Online game players have been found to report less loneliness and social anxiety (Martončik and Lokša
2016) and greater positive mood after social online game play compared to playing alone (Kaye and Bryce
2014). More recent research (Kaye et al.
2017) found further evidence that relationships with other players related to aspects of psychosocial wellbeing, although the games used may not be the most relevant for exploring friendship and gameplay (e.g.
FIFA Football Manager) and the majority of players played alone in both settings.
Further exploration of the level of social relationships and the social support which are developed via these relationships in online gaming has suggested a role for various elements of social support. An online survey by Longman et al. (
2009) reported a relationship between game engagement and level of support achieved, as well as noting the use of these relationships for social support, seeking advice about gaming and offline issues, and for emotional support. In later research, O’Connor et al. (
2015) conducted qualitative interviews with online gamers and suggested that these relationships are frequently used for social support and information and emotional support.
Female Gaming Research
Research into gaming has mainly focused on male gamers, across different age groups. In the majority of these studies, the participants have been mainly men with less than 30% of females represented in the samples. A number of topics have recently been explored in relation to the female gaming experience. These are mainly related to the experience of female gamers in online environments, as a minority growing population. Previous research has highlighted the role of gaming in female gamer’s lives and the possible growth in interest in online gaming for females as they play alongside significant males and family members (Lewis and Griffiths
2011; McLean and Griffiths
2013).
Early research in the area examined gender differences in online gaming social interactions (Taylor, 2003) and suggested gender differences in social motivations (Cole and Griffiths
2007; McLean and Griffiths
2013; Yee
2006). Researchers have argued that these gender differences may be related to socialisation factors, videogame design, and/or gender differences in terms of skills (Cole and Griffiths
2007; Hartmann and Klimmt
2006; Möller and Krahé
2009; Lucas and Sherry
2004; Olson et al.
2009). In terms of the development of social relationships, female gamers have highlighted the peripheral communication occurring outside of actual gaming as being important for them, for example, in the sharing of gaming experiences with significant people in their lives and meeting likeminded people on discussion forums (Lewis and Griffiths
2011; McLean and Griffiths
2013).
Women are typically perceived as a minority in online gaming spaces, and the research has consistently suggested that they often experience general and sexual harassment from other players (Ballard and Welch
2017; Chess and Shaw
2015; Fox and Tang
2014; Gray
2012; Salter and Blodgett
2012). The recent survey of Fox and Yeng Tang (
2017) on women’s experience with online videogames found this often led to rumination about the harassment, perceptions of organisational unresponsiveness to issues, and withdrawal from the game. Women reported specific coping strategies to mitigate harassment, including hiding their identity, avoiding communication with other players, and seeking help or social support inside and outside the game.
Ballard and Welch (
2017) reported that women and lower-performing online game players were the groups more likely to experience negative reactions from male players. Male gamers were more likely to perpetrate cyberbullying than females do. Furthermore, female and LGBT participants experienced significantly higher rates of sexually related cyber-victimisation, and reported the behaviour occurred regularly. The research was conducted with self-selected online gamers, with a small number of female gamers (110 males, 36 females, and 5 transgenders/others). The most common reason cited for engaging in negative behaviour was related to ranking of gaming achievements. Cote’s (Cote
2015) qualitative study with female gamers suggested that they were skilled at managing such negative interactions online but said female gamers hiding their contributions to gaming may provoke further harassment.
Because online gaming is mainly based on collaboration and communication, a number of recent studies have examined the role of verbal communication and the link to identification of gender. Previous research has indicated that female gamers can be reluctant to speak to other gamers because it can lead to negative interactions (McLean and Griffiths
2013). Kuznekoff and Rose (
2013) confirmed this experience in an experiment, with female voices more likely to receive negative attention than male voices in gaming situations. The research examined how gamers reacted to female versus male voices in an online game. Using statements designed to be neutral and inoffensive, female voices were found to receive considerably more negative reactions, resulting in three times more negative comments than male voices. Gray (
2012) found that linguistic profiling was common in online gaming. Players reported frequent derision and harassment, typically featuring sexist, racist, nativist, and heterosexist language once they started communicating verbally with other players. Exploring the impact of gender further, Holz Ivory et al. (
2014) found in an experimental study that women in gaming who made positive utterances gained more compliance with friend requests than women making negative utterances, whereas men making negative utterances gained more compliance with friend requests than men making positive utterances.
Researchers have been interested in why this stereotype (threat) may be so prevalent in online gaming, and its further potential impact on female gamers. Holz Ivory et al. (
2014) argued that sex role stereotyping by players in other online gaming environments may encourage a social environment that alienates female players. The researchers propose that individuals’ interactions in first person shooter (FPS) videogames are guided by some of the same stereotypes that also shape the nature of individual’s non-mediated, everyday interactions. In a virtual field experiment (
N = 520) using an online FPS videogame, they found that in general, women gained more compliance with friend requests than men. The researchers argued that their findings indicated that although women are helped more frequently than men, they are still expected to behave according to the traditional expectations associated with their offline sex. This study was based on initial online interactions, rather than ongoing interaction that develop over time through gaming.
Because videogames are popularly perceived and reiterated as a male space (Hartmann and Klimmt
2006; Salter and Blodgett
2012), it has been argued that male gamers are often afforded higher status and higher perceived competence than female gamers (Kaye and Pennington
2016). Although women are often able to remain hidden or anonymous in gaming environments (Cote
2015; McLean and Griffiths
2013), it is likely that when women reveal their sex, their legitimacy and competence are questioned. In addition, players report that less experienced/lower-ranking players, women, and gay players often receive a hostile reaction from male gamers (Fletcher
2012; Kasumovic and Kuznekoff
2015; Salter and Blodgett
2012). Thus, rank—or status in the game—is one factor that might predict negative interactions as well as gender.
Recent research has explored factors that may be associated with this experience of videogame sexism (Fox and Tang
2014). The findings indicated that social dominance orientation and conformity to some types of masculine norms (desire for power over women and the need for heterosexual self-presentation) predicted higher levels of sexist beliefs. Vermeulen and Looy (
2016) argued that stereotype threat undermines the gaming experience of females. In a controlled laboratory experiment, the researchers tested the effects of reinforcing stereotypical information suggesting that women are less competent players versus the effects of countering this stereotype. They found that gamer identity, trait competitiveness, and playing habits impact the experience of social identity threat. A study by Kaye and Pennington (
2016) further indicated the negative impact of stereotype threat on females’ experience of gaming, and found that it led to females’ underperformance on the gaming task, relative to males in the control condition. Similar findings have been reported with impact on females’ skill perception and wellbeing (Vermeulen et al.
2014), and performance (Vermeulen and Looy
2016).
McLean and Griffiths (
2013) argued that female gamers valued their identity as gamers, but paradoxically, gamers often feel the need to hide their identity when gaming online, due to the behaviour of other male gamers (Cote
2015; Vermeulen et al.
2017). Kaye and Pennington (
2016) suggested that multiple social identities may protect females’ gameplay performance from stereotype threat. Females have also reported lower gamer identity because they felt less connected and discouraged from this identity by male negative behaviour online. This suggests that female gamers often exist outside of the main game culture, resulting in a low gamer identity profile (Vermeulen et al.
2017). The experience of discrimination by male players is therefore argued to discourage women to label themselves as gamers. Based on the literature outlined above, the present qualitative study was exploratory and had a number of aims. These were to (i) explore the level of social support experienced by female gamers during gaming, (ii) identify the impact of this experience on female gamers, (iii) examine females’ understanding of the cause of social support (or lack of) in online gaming, and (iv) explore strategies female gamers use to develop social support in their gaming.
Discussion
Overall, the profile of the female gamer which emerged from the online forum discussions analysed was one who was accepting of the frequency of negative behaviour they experienced online, and expressed only mild disappointment at times when this occurred. Lack of social support was reported to frequently lead to females playing alone, playing anonymously, and moving groups and teams regularly. The experience of females in this study was therefore similar to the survey of Fox and Yeng Tang (
2017) of women’s experience which found the experience often led to rumination about the harassment, perceptions of organisational unresponsiveness to issues, and withdrawal from the game. The female gamers in the present study reported experiencing anxiety and loneliness due to this lack of social support, and for some, this significantly impacted their enjoyment of gaming. Frequently (
n = 12), the negative experiences were mirrored in real-life situations for female gamers, with reported similar anxiety and social difficulties occurring offline. The women attributed these negative experiences primarily to other male gamers, but for some, they felt this was due to internal characteristics, and therefore not possible to alter.
Female strategies to build social support within online gaming communities were primarily related to hiding one’s identity, although some recommended standing up to negative behaviour if an individual felt comfortable and strong enough to do this. This is similar to findings from Fox and Yeng Tang (
2017) where the women reported specific coping strategies to mitigate harassment, including hiding their identity (Cote
2015), avoiding communication with other players, and seeking help or social support inside and outside the game. The issue of stress and anxiety that female gamers reported as an outcome from negative interactions experienced online (and at times linked to their lives overall) is an interesting one. Whilst previous research has suggested the role for gaming in reducing stress and its potential as a stress-relieving pastime, the present findings suggest gaming may (for some) be a space for the potential development of stress, rather than a space for the development of social support and relationship. Paradoxically, some of the female gamers talked about initially starting to play these games as a way to overcome such stress and social anxiety in their offline life.
Previous research has highlighted the role of online gaming with positive psychosocial outcomes (Kaye and Bryce
2014) and argued for gaming being associated with less loneliness and social anxiety in online game players. The lower degree of loneliness experienced was also associated with playing with friends and known people, with guild membership, as well as frequent verbal communication with teammates (Martončik and Lokša
2016). Findings of the present study appear to suggest the opposite for female gamers. It may be that the female gamers who are still playing (perhaps alone) may not be as concerned about the loneliness of the online gaming experience, although a number (
n = 7) did explicitly mention the loneliness they felt from gaming alone.
Experience of stereotype threat in gaming was reported by almost all the female gamers in the present study, in both online and offline settings, similar to previous research in the area (e.g. Kaye and Pennington
2016). While some of the females in the present study were eager to fight against this common belief, there was a general feeling of acceptance of males behaving according to this stereotype. The focus within many of the discussions was on developing strategies to allow females to “manage” this behaviour, rather than to overcome it and challenge it. There were a number of female gamers (
n = 8) who stated that they had developed similar stereotypical beliefs about female gaming in addition, and felt that they were not as skilled at gaming as males.
The present study offers an understanding of female gamers’ unique social experience online, and as such offers a greater understanding of the role of social support in gaming for a particular group of gamers. Day and Livingstone (
2003) suggest that an individual’s perception of their social support network has an essentially greater coping effect than if they actually receive the support, suggesting the importance of understanding each individual’s perception of their social networks and relationships in all aspects of life. As many of the previous studies in the area of gaming from which social support conclusions have been drawn have small numbers of female gamers in their samples, the findings and conclusions may not be as relevant to this group of gamers who are facing unique experiences online.
It has been argued that the type of interaction individuals are involved in is important for the development of deeper levels of social ties (Trepte et al.
2012). As the focus in previous research was on male gamers, the present study was particularly interested in the levels of online interactions females were involved in. The findings here suggest female gamers are playing regularly online but they are hiding their identity, as previous research has suggested (Fox and Yeng Tang (
2017); McLean and Griffiths
2013). Because female gamers in the present study felt that they were not permitted (by others and at times by themselves) to become actively involved in games and to develop online interactions outside of competing, it may not be possible for them to develop these high levels of social ties and subsequent support in gaming. Domahidi et al.
2014 argued that new friendships in online gaming are created through a shared focus of activity, but females in the present study did not feel that they were facilitated or permitted to get as involved in game administration or have a role in this element of gaming.
Kowert and Oldmeadow (
2013) suggested that online gaming has the potential to exist as a space for the development of critical attachment functions, where closeness, belonging, and security are developed. It may be that female gamers are unable to develop this level of security or closeness (through their own choice to hide their identity and/or through lack of social support). This perceived need to hide their identity (online and offline) is similar to previous research in the area (Fox and Yeng Tang (
2017); McLean and Griffiths
2013; Vermeulen et al.
2017). Because it appears that male gamers develop significant social identities via gaming and is linked to positive outcomes for them, it is interesting to consider the motivation for female gamers to continue to play in these online environments.
Female gamers in the present study mainly attributed the sexist and negative behaviour they encountered from males in online gaming to socialising factors. However, they consistently expressed surprise when male players (online and offline) did not stand up to other people’s negative behaviour. This may be explained by Dickey’s (
2011) research which found that players who do not act according to the conventions of behaviour in a game setting were socially excluded. There is also evidence to suggest that stereotypes and sex roles may be more prevalent in online gaming than in offline settings (Holz Ivory et al.
2014). The role of group behaviour and the changes to interactions that occurred within group settings was also highlighted in the present study. Female gamers talked about the impact of one individual who could act as an ally or could cause a break in social ties within a group when they joined. Frequently, gamers (
n = 11) talked about only playing freely within small established groups of players that they trusted.
The limitations of the present study relate primarily to the fact that those who may choose to post online in a discussion forum may be representative of a particular type of gamer and one who has experienced extreme behaviour. In this respect, the female gamers were often posting in order to seek support, and these were the main discussions that were analysed. There is also the possibility that this lack of support and negative interactions may be more prevalent in specific types of games. Previous research has acknowledged this as a limitation of the research in this area (Domahidi et al.
2014; Holz Ivory et al.
2014). While not analysed directly in the present research, female gamers in the discussions did, however, highlight a range of games and settings that they played, making reference to MMORPGs and casual games. The data comprise self-report and descriptions of some of the experience of female gamers, and this is a significant limitation of the generalisability of the findings to female gamers as a whole. The data that were analysed were based on posts made within a one-month period and so it can be argued is limited in terms of the snapshot of time it represents for female gamers.
Future research using quantitative methods would be useful to allow consideration of the constructs (sense of belonging, perceived social support) and compare online and offline experiences for this cohort of games. Future research should also explore male attitudes towards female gamers and towards the negative attitudes displayed towards females, and build on the previous research indicating an association between sexism and game play. As with O’Connor et al. (
2015), the analysis in the present study was guided by the themes identified and so some relevant themes may have been overlooked. Gamer identity was a common discussion in the discussions analysed, and future research could explore this in further detail and the association with social support. The profile of the female gamer identified could be extended and further explored in future research.
The findings from the present study offer a profile of female gamers and their social support experiences in online gaming. The findings are consistent with previous research, but new concepts emerged through an analysis of a female’s experience, such as the impact of a lack of social support in both online and offline lives. The analysis allowed for a greater understanding of the type of interactions and level of social support experienced by female gamers in online gaming, not only in large group settings but also in smaller groups. It appears that the internal and external attribution of the cause of these negative interactions by female gamers offers an insight into their motivation to play these games. The present research allowed for a greater understanding of the impact of negative interactions and lack of social support in terms of feelings of anxiety and the possible experience of stress, and the impact of females hiding their identity as gamers. The research also helped further developed the profile of the online female gamer in a male-dominated environment and the possible reasons for the stereotype of female gamers continuing to develop and to impact female game play.