Introduction
The aetiology of attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) is complex and multifaceted. Current theory suggests that multiple small common and rare genetic variants influence any individuals’ levels of inattention, hyperactivity and impulsivity, which when severely rise comprise the syndrome of ADHD [
1]. Evidence around environmental factors that may influence vulnerability to ADHD often centres on prenatal exposures to toxins, such as those associated with smoking and alcohol consumption [
2]. More recently, it has been accepted that social factors, such as socioeconomic status (SES), throughout the life-course may have a role in the aetiology of inattentive and impulsive behaviour that characterises ADHD [
1,
3].
A diagnosis of ADHD is associated with an increased risk of negative outcomes for the individual across many domains including problems with social function and occupation, poor academic outcomes, driving and car accidents and increased use of services [
4]. The prevalence of ADHD is estimated at 2–5% worldwide [
5]. In spite of this, relatively little is known about its association with social and environmental factors early in life, such as SES [
3]. In a recent study, we found that children whose mothers reported financial difficulty (FD) were over twice as likely to receive a research diagnosis of ADHD when the child was age seven [
6]. FD can be understood and conceptualised as a measure of SES, in that it is likely to reflect availability and impact of economic resources or wealth [
7]. The measure concerned asks directly about ability to afford basic necessities, such as food and housing, in a manner that considers the difficulty or burden this may cause the family.
Other studies have found associations between SES across childhood and mental health [
8‐
11]. They have begun to unpick the impact of changing or persistent SES on a variety of mental health outcomes. One study found that the length of time a child spends in poverty has an increasingly detrimental impact on their mental health (specifically antisocial behaviour) [
12]. The authors found that different outcomes may have different relationships with SES. More recent studies have also found that a clear difference in cognitive and socio-emotional development by SES was evident by age three and widened by age five [
13]. With regard to stability of SES and impacts on mental health, Kiernan and Mensah found that 18% of children in persistently poor families between the age of 0–3 had behavioural problems compared with 4% of those who were not persistently poor [
9]. In addition, Anselmi et al. found that not only did low income both at birth and at age 11 predict conduct problems at age 15; this also applied those who became poor between birth and 11 [
8]. Decreasing SES throughout childhood may therefore result in an increase in externalising problems [
8].
Some have suggested the ADHD–SES association is likely due to social selection: adolescents with ADHD are less likely to have good educational outcomes and this could determine low SES circumstances for them. As ADHD is highly heritable, the offspring of these individuals, genetically predisposed to ADHD, will be born into socioeconomically disadvantaged circumstances [
14,
15]. Others argue that having a child with ADHD causes the parents’ SES to decrease due to disruption to ability to work [
16]. A third alternative is that SES–ADHD associations are due to social causation: a mechanism by which SES exerts an influence on the aetiology or severity of ADHD. This is not mutually exclusive to the social selection theory [
14,
15].
The current study aims to explore whether recent changes in FD are associated with different levels of ADHD symptoms following this change. If changing financial difficulties are associated with later changes in ADHD symptoms, it would suggest that factors associated with such socioeconomic disadvantage may play a causal role in aetiology of ADHD, rather than being due to social selection. Increasing family FD followed by higher levels of hyperactivity and inattention would suggest factors associated with SES are on the causal pathway.
We utilised data from the Avon Longitudinal Study of Parents and Children (ALSPAC) to examine symptoms of ADHD in children, grouped by change in FD between two measures, four times across childhood. This allowed us to address our question of interest: whether changes in FD are associated with subsequent differences in levels of ADHD symptoms.
Discussion
Different experience of financial difficulties is associated with different levels of ADHD symptoms
We evaluated a change in FD over four time points during childhood in relation to subsequent ADHD symptoms as measured by the parent-report SDQ hyperactivity subscale. This allowed us to explore how recent changes in family financial difficulty may be associated with subsequent variation in children’s ADHD symptoms. In a mixed effects model combining all measures, we found that those who reported no FD at two consecutive time points had a lower average symptom score than all other groups: implying that those of higher SES would have lower levels of ADHD symptoms. We also found that those children who were in FD across two time points had a higher mean SDQ score than all other groups. The two groups defined by change in FD had intermediate mean ADHD symptom scores that differed significantly from both the stable groups. Of interest, there was a negligible difference between the coefficient sizes of the two changing FD groups.
Any experience of financial difficulty is associated with increased ADHD symptoms
The implications of our findings are that any experience of FD is associated with higher subsequent hyperactivity scores of around 0.1–0.3 SDQ points relative to those in no difficulty. This value increased with more stringent thresholds being used to define being in “financial difficulty”, with those analysed using the severe threshold for FD having SDQ scores around 0.2–0.4 points higher relative to those in no difficulty. This is suggestive of a trend where those who are the most disadvantaged have larger associations between FD and ADHD symptoms. Our results also suggest that the experience of any financial difficulty at any time is associated with higher levels of subsequent ADHD symptoms. This demonstrates that regardless of the mechanisms by which this association occurs, there is a small but significant longitudinal relationship between recent FD change and symptoms of ADHD.
Our findings are of aetiological interest but have limited clinical significance. The hyperactivity scale is often used as part of a multi-dimensional assessment of ADHD [
20‐
22], and correlates with other measures of ADHD symptoms [
22,
23]. The parent-report version of the SDQ has a specificity of 92% and sensitivity of 74% for a diagnosis of ADHD, although it should be noted that these figures were calculated using the impact supplement of this questionnaire, which data were not collected in ALSPAC [
20]. Higher scores on the SDQ are related to an increased risk of meeting diagnostic criteria for ADHD, especially for those already close to thresholds.
Our findings in the context of social selection
To draw inferences from our findings in line with theories of social selection, we need to consider what level of ADHD symptoms one would expect to find if the relationship between SES and ADHD was entirely due to fixed genetic effects. Symptoms of ADHD would be expected to be stable regardless of changes in SES, so those born into high SES families at birth would have lower mean ADHD symptoms than those born into lower SES families. A change in SES would not exert an effect on ADHD symptoms. We did not find this, instead we found those in the changing FD groups had ADHD symptom levels that lay between those of the stable SES children. There are three potential explanations:
First, symptoms of ADHD are temporally associated with FD, but due to constraints of measurement occasions the pattern of change was not observed. Second, the results could illustrate a ‘dose–response’ relationship where any experience of FD leads to an increase in ADHD symptoms, with higher levels of exposure having an additive effect on the association with symptoms. Third, there may be a difference in genetic susceptibility to ADHD symptoms between those of low, changing and high FD: those in constant FD having the highest genetic risk for ADHD; changing FD families having a moderate genetic risk and some ADHD traits that lead to them being unable to provide a stable environment for their child, whose symptom levels reflect this. Those constantly not in FD would, therefore, represent those with the least genetic risk, and in each case genetic risk would be associated both with ADHD traits and FD.
Overall our study did not provide conclusive evidence to discount selection effects, but greater socioeconomic disadvantage was shown to be associated with more ADHD symptoms and no reported financial difficulty was associated with lower levels of ADHD symptoms. The mechanisms of this effect can only be disentangled further with studies that account for parental ADHD traits and have sufficient data to closely track changes in all the variables of interest. Although the mechanisms of how changing SES may impact on symptoms of ADHD are as yet unclear, theory suggests that psychosocial stressors may impact on the family environment and parenting behaviours and lead to increased ADHD behaviours. Others posit that material possessions related to financial status may also be mechanisms through which this association may operate, for example, by not being able to afford educational and stimulating home-learning materials [
26,
27].
SES as a complex concept that may exert effects through a range of mechanisms
This study controlled for a variety of potential confounders including other baseline indicators of SES, such as income and education, or those commonly associated with SES, such as birthweight [
7]. ALSPAC has inherent limitations in that data collected do not always meet methodological ideals, as such we used a measure of parental depression as proxy for parental psychopathology because no measures more closely related to parental ADHD were available. Our aim was to identify the conceptual relationship between FD change and ADHD symptoms, and we found that this association was robust even adjusting for more material measures of SES. This has implications for understanding the course and exacerbation of ADHD symptoms.
Our findings, if replicated, have implications for policy, health and special educational service delivery as we found that experiencing financial difficulty or stress is at the very least associated with a small increased risk of ADHD symptoms in children. ADHD symptoms have been shown to be associated with substantially lower academic achievement in the ALSPAC cohort [
28]. The broader SES–ADHD association could translate to poorer health and educational outcomes for children growing up in disadvantaged socioeconomic circumstances, which is increasing during these austere times. The use of the subjective measure of financial difficulty as a measure of SES reflects whether the mother feels that she struggles to afford food, housing, heating, clothing and necessities for the child: all acknowledged to be essential for basic living standards. The measure has no objective standard; however, at all times the majority of participants reported that they experienced no financial difficulty at all, as may be expected based on the ALSPAC sample demographics. This suggests that those who report difficulty are likely to experience a real difference in financial stress [
18,
25]. There are alternative hypotheses that may further explain the temporal association between SES and symptoms of ADHD, these are investigated in depth in a separate study (Russell et al., in preparation) and find that cumulative exposure to financial difficulty in early childhood (up to age seven) is also associated with symptoms of ADHD.
Strengths and limitations
Whilst we did find evidence that different experiences of FD are associated with different levels of ADHD symptoms, this is somewhat difficult to interpret as both the groups representing changing FD (rather than stable FD) had similar coefficient values. This may be due to the limited range of measurement occasions: depending on when a family’s circumstances change and the amount of time before there is a change in the child’s behaviour, children will have different patterns of change. One limitation of the study was that all measures were reported by one individual, the mother. Utilising teacher-reported ADHD symptoms may address this; however these were only available on two occasions across childhood in ALSPAC.
The longitudinal design of the study was a strength, and repeated measures allowed us to draw conclusions across childhood rather than only at individual time points. In addition, using a variety of thresholds to define FD allowed us to test whether the association was robust when more stringent thresholds for defining low SES were used, and the results showed that if anything those that are more disadvantaged have higher symptom levels. Finally, we found that including the age of the child when FD was measured in the model had effects in different directions at the earlier and later time point. This finding was intriguing and should be further explored in other studies.
One study recently reported that poverty longitudinally predicted increased externalising behaviour problems, including hyperactivity, across early to middle childhood, supporting our findings [
11]. Our findings also concur with those discussed earlier [
8,
9,
12,
13], but have not been able to unpick how changing SES may affect symptoms of ADHD. Another study found associations between externalising problems and family income in the same direction as our study found [
29]. In addition, the authors found that children living in chronically poor families benefitted most from an increase in income, implying that increasing SES may ameliorate externalising symptoms.
Future directions
This study indicates that increasing financial difficulty has a negative impact on symptoms of ADHD, and that higher SES is associated with lower levels of ADHD symptoms. However, as the mechanisms by which this association operates have not been elicited, further research needs to determine mediators of the aetiological mechanisms before consideration of implications for policy and practice, especially with studies beginning to emerge that demonstrate that experiences of severe socio-emotional deprivation may be associated with persistent ADHD [
10]. If this is the case for early experiences of socioeconomic deprivation as some posit, policy changes now could reduce the burden of ADHD in the future [
6,
30]. Observational studies should explore whether socioeconomic changes in a family lead to changes in family environment or reduce biological markers of stress. These should be complemented by studying the relation between these social and environmental factors and symptoms of ADHD, of which some research already exists [
31].
Our findings could not provide conclusive evidence around whether FD changes are in addition to or interact with the complex genetic heritability of ADHD. Recent research exploring interaction between genotypes and environmental exposures is beginning to allow us to tease apart the interrelation between these factors [
32]. It may be that a combination of genetic predisposition and social/environmental adversity interact to exacerbate or ameliorate ADHD symptoms in a differential manner across childhood. Future studies with more detailed data on SES and more frequent measures could address whether children in families that have changing SES do show linear patterns of improvement or exacerbation of symptoms, and the extent to which symptoms can fluctuate.