Characteristics of Participants
The study population was comprised of a total of 40 individuals from the four target groups. Half of the refugee service providers (VOLAG/MAA) interviewed were college graduates, the majority were male (57%), with most (12/14) being former refugees themselves (see Table
2). As some non-governmental organizations do not have a long history of working with the refugee community, participants were asked for the number of years their organization had worked with refugees: median 10.5 years, inter-quartile range (IQR) 4.9–22.8.
Table 2
Characteristics of health care provider, mutual assistance agency, and voluntary resettlement agencies participants (n = 24)
Gender |
Male | 8 | 0 |
Age (years) |
<39 | 8 | 3 |
40–54 | 5 | 5 |
≥55 | 1 | 2 |
Highest education level completed |
High school or below | 1 | 0 |
Some college | 6 | 1 |
College grad | 5 | 0 |
Masters | 2 | 6 |
PhD/MD/JD | 0 | 3 |
No. years organization has served refugees |
Median (inter-quartile range) | 10.5 (4.9, 22.8) | 18.5 (7.5, 41.0) |
Populations often served |
Non-refugees | 1 | 6 |
All refugee groups | 3 | 1 |
Vietnamese | 3 | 6 |
Sudanese | 7 | 4 |
Somalis | 9 | 5 |
Russians | 3 | 2 |
Iraqis | 3 | 1 |
Iranians | 4 | 1 |
Ethiopians | 6 | 3 |
Afghanis | 4 | 2 |
Former refugee |
Yes | 12 | 1 |
Country of origin of former refugees (n = 12) |
Albania | 1 | 0 |
Ethiopia | 2 | 0 |
Iraq | 1 | 0 |
Poland | 1 | 0 |
Somalia | 3 | 0 |
Sudan | 3 | 0 |
Vietnam | 1 | 1 |
Services provided |
Family medicine | | 5 |
Internal medicine | | 3 |
Dental | | 4 |
Gynecological | | 4 |
Mental health | | 5 |
Geriatrics | | 4 |
Pediatrics | | 4 |
Resettlement | 3 | |
Education | 8 | |
Job training | 6 | |
Legal assistance | 7 | |
Child care | 4 | |
Health promotion | 10 | |
Due to difficulties in scheduling, only one physician treating refugees on a regular basis could be interviewed. Instead, health care providers included social workers and nurses, with a majority being directors of health promotion programs. Three providers were born outside of the U.S. and one was a former refugee. All but one health care provider had a Masters degree or higher. The median number of years the health care organizations had been serving refugees was 18.5 (IQR 7.5–41).
Refugees were approximately equally likely to have been in the U.S. 1 (25%), 2 (19%), 3 (19%), or 4 years (38%; Table
3). As outlined in the Methods, refugees were sampled to get an equal representation of both genders from all eight countries of origin. Approximately half of refugee participants were older than 40 years and had no educational experience beyond high school, although 25% had a college degree or higher.
Table 3
Characteristics of refugee participants (n = 16)
Gender |
Male | 8 |
Age (years) |
<25 | 2 |
25–39 | 5 |
40–54 | 6 |
≥55 | 3 |
Highest education level completed |
Elementary school or below | 4 |
Middle school | 2 |
High school | 3 |
Trade/technical school | 2 |
Some college | 1 |
College grad | 3 |
PhD/MD/JD | 1 |
Number of years in US |
1 Year | 4 |
2 Years | 3 |
3 Years | 3 |
4 to ≤5 years | 6 |
In-depth Interviews
Health Conditions Emerging upon Resettlement
While this analysis is focused on health care utilization, our study revealed a variety of long-term health conditions that provide context for the type of care most needed by the San Diego refugee community. Overall, mental health (informal diagnoses of PTSD, depression, and anxiety) was the most commonly mentioned urgent health concern (Hurst et al., in prep). Hypertension and diabetes were considered emerging problems in the community; however, participants did not discuss in detail the extent to which these conditions are being controlled in those affected. Additionally, dental health is a common refugee health concern upon arrival in the U.S. which persists in the years following resettlement. While few children were considered obese, participants noted that nutritious foods weren’t often included in diets and weight gain was more common with years post-resettlement (Rondinelli et al., in prep). Lastly, health concerns specific to women included family planning, under utilization of pre- and postnatal care, and health implications of female genital cutting.
Access to Health Care
A number of themes emerged in respect to health care access, including transportation and logistical barriers, along with insurance and medical expense. Because these issues are not specific to refugees and have already received attention in refugee health literature, we only present a brief summary of these themes [
14‐
17]. Instead, we discuss in more depth language and communication along with acculturation barriers and cultural beliefs regarding health care. These were perceived by all groups to be the most immediate and common barriers affecting health care utilization.
Logistical issues, such as transportation, hours of service, wait times, appointment availability, childcare needs, and barriers around scheduling, were a recurrent theme in the interviews. Barriers related to insurance included gaps in coverage due to hurdles with enrollment of public insurance programs or unavailability through one’s employment. Financial hardship was also a dominant barrier within this theme—specifically the financial burden of insurance fees, co-payments, and out of coverage prescriptions.
Language and Communication
Every participant perceived language to be a major, if not the most major barrier to refugee health care access. The extent to which language was as a barrier varied across ethnic groups, with groups more established in the community having less difficulty. For instance, all Vietnamese representatives interviewed noted that language was not a problem because “well, we have a lot of Vietnamese doctors, and we have Vietnamese workers at most of the clinics…” (MAA, former refugee, age 69). However, language was noted as a barrier when Vietnamese patients were referred to a specialist outside the community. For some groups, even when there were health care resources in their native language, the quality of such care was in question. A health care provider described a situation where Russian refugees were killing quality of care to be seen by a provider who spoke the same language. “They actually say ‘I know this doctor isn’t good, but I’m going to go there because they speak my language’” (HCP, age 31).
Several health care providers mentioned that language barriers do not exist only during interactions between doctors and patients but at every level of the health care system, from making an appointment to filling a prescription. Over half of participants perceived language barriers to lead to refugees either utilizing health care services only when they are very sick, or not at all. Participants agreed that even when translation services were available for the actual doctor’s visit “most of the time people [who] answer the phone to schedule an appointment…they don’t speak the [same] language” (VOLAG, former refugee, age 31). Refugee and MAA participants also discussed the difficulty refugees have with filling out paperwork and understanding written materials, especially in regards to providing informed consent. For instance, a refugee mentioned that she was unable to write her name when she came to the U.S. and recalls the difficulty she had—and still has—with paperwork. All participant groups shared the view that “A lot of times refugees will get so frustrated that [they don’t] bother going to the doctor unless something is really seriously wrong” (VOLAG, former refugee, age 31).
Health care providers spoke more about the effects of low or no English-language proficiency on refugees’ understanding of and ability to navigate through the health care system. One provider shared an experience where, due to a lack in proper translation, a Somali refugee delivered her baby on the doorstep of a hospital when there were open after-hour emergency services on the other side of the building. All MAA/VOLAG participants discussed the consequences language barriers have on refugees’ ability to properly understand diagnoses and treatment options. Misinterpretation and miscommunications during appointments can go both ways and sometimes have serious consequences. For instance, a service provider recalled the case where a father was incorrectly interpreted as having said “Should I throw the baby away?” upon finding out that his baby was diagnosed with hepatitis B. Child protective services were called and an MAA employee had to personally intervene when the father came to them crying that he was going to lose his child. Health care providers also mentioned the impact misinterpretation has on the quality of care they are able to provide, noting how difficult it was to properly diagnose patients when communication was broken and physician time is limited.
Both health care providers and MAA/VOLAGs pointed out that language barriers also affect refugees’ ability to fill prescriptions and properly take medicine. One participant shared an experience with a recent refugee taking the wrong medicine all together:
“She told me one day …she wants to take birth control pills. I said, show me. [She] show me the Tylenol….She said, ‘Is this Tylenol or birth control’? …She doesn’t know which one is which…” (VOLAG, age 34).
When discussing interpretation services, almost all refugee participants relied on friends and family to act as interpreters instead of a professional service. A majority of MAA/VOLAG and health care providers perceived problems with relying on family members, including misinterpretation and confidentiality issues.
“I think the language barrier is a big one…making sure someone can translate medically, you know not just translate the words, but make them understand what it is that’s needed.” (HCP, age 39)
Every participant saw interpretation services as one possible solution to language barriers. However, there was much variation in participants’ perceptions of the quality of interpretation services currently available and who is responsible for providing them. Refugee serving organizations (MAA/VOLAG) placed the responsibility on clinics and health care providers. Because they realized it was difficult for providers to provide adequate language services, the majority of MAAs perceived a need for the refugee serving organizations themselves to remedy the language problem—and often expressed the opinion that the refugees would not be able to function as adequately as they do without their help. However, these participants also noted that they are under-staffed, under-funded, and often unable to provide the service due to other demands of their job.
Several health care providers brought up concerns that MAA employees are untrained as interpreters, both in medical terminology and in confidentiality issues, and therefore present the same problems as do family members who act as interpreters. Half of the HCP participants agreed that translation responsibility lies with providers, but noted that many clinics do not follow through on this responsibility. “They just don’t want to, it’s inconvenient … and it’s a cost to actually have [language services]” (VOLAG, former refugee, age 31). The health care providers interviewed are unique in that they work closely with the refugee community on a regular basis and knew about and used interpretation services. However, many mentioned that providers outside the refugee serving community do not always follow this policy. For instance, one provider shared the following conversation of when a hospital worker called him yelling the following:
“Your patients are so incompliant, and we have this patient here now. And she doesn’t care that she’s going to, you know the kid’s going to die … she doesn’t want to sign this letter [consent for putting her child under anesthesia]. …And we really don’t know if we want any more of your patients.” (HCP, age 47)
Upon speaking further with the provider the interviewee learned that the hospital was trying to get the patient to consent to a procedure without an interpreter present to explain the situation to her. The patient misunderstood and originally thought the doctor was going to put the child permanently to sleep.
Acculturation Difficulties
Acculturation as a barrier to utilization of care was brought up both directly and indirectly during all interviews. For the purposes of the current study, acculturation is defined as the merging and adoption of behavior patterns between cultures as a result of prolonged contact. Participants said that cultural and environmental differences make adjustment more difficult for resettled populations. A few MAA participants mentioned that even when refugees are from a country with a similar lifestyle and a similar environment to the host country it is still very “difficult for anyone to jump from one culture right into another” due to the journey they have taken, often involving loss of family and a loss of “identity” within the community, the family, or the workplace. Further, all participants perceived adjustment difficulties to affect the elderly more severely.
“Our elders are really suffering in terms of not knowing where to go [for care]… they do not have relatives you know, … they stay home, and they’re really depressed” (Refugee of Middle Eastern origin, age 37).
Mental health problems in relation to or exacerbated by the acculturation process were perceived to be widespread. A few refugee participants discussed stress related depression and “guilt” for leaving their old lives; “everyday you think about back [home]…” (VOLAG, former refugee, age 35). Respondents referred to past traumatic experiences as a source of stress and anxiety, but added on top of this was now the stress of adjusting to the fast pace of life in the U.S. One refugee participant stated, “back home…we don’t have… this kind of pressure. The life is so easy back home. You don’t have bills, you don’t drive…” The elderly, who in many cultures command the most respect, were said to now be isolated due to their lack of family and community ties in the U.S.
Conversely, many perceived that newly resettled refugees work to establish and find a community once in the U.S. MAA, HCP, and refugee participants alike discussed the positive role this ‘community’ plays in accessing care. Several refugee serving organization and refugee participants expanded by saying that communities support refugees by loaning money to pay for prescriptions and medical costs and by serving as translators, emotional support, and a source of knowledge about how the health care system works. “Meeting people from their country and knowing that there are people like us help us to [acculturate]” (VOLAG, age 34).
Cultural Beliefs Regarding Health Care
We use here a very broad definition of ‘culture’, encompassing native belief systems, traditions, upbringing, social norms, and personal values. While maintaining the culture of ones homeland often provides comfort to newly arrived refugees entering a foreign place, it can at times make accessing and navigating their new country’s health care system more challenging. We found that culture directly affected refugees’ concept of prevention services, independence, expectations of care and stigma around health conditions—all of which influenced their health care choices.
It was a common sub-theme—stated by all refugee serving organization participants and health care providers—that many refugees resettled in San Diego are not fully accustomed to the idea of preventive care, such as annual medical, vision, and dental exams; they elaborated that refugees often wait to seek care until conditions are severe. Many HCPs cited the difference between economic and health systems in the host country and a refugee’s native country as a reason for under-utilization. For instance, one HCP stated “they had a whole different way of taking care of issues back home…they went to the hospital only when they were sick”, accessing health services for prevention was not commonly available to the majority of refugee groups in their home country.
Cultural beliefs and previous health care experiences contributed to refugees’ expectations of western medical care. Expectations included: specific behaviors of doctors, curing chronic diseases instead of managing them, and fast care by clinics. A refugee participant shared, “when I go to the doctor I want him to touch me, to look in my eye, hit me with the little hammer…” A few former refugee MAA participants and one refugee participant explained how frustrated and disappointed they were when their health did not immediately improve upon arrival in the U.S. This disappointment made many reluctant to seek care because their expectations were not met:
“We came here with hope to get better right away, so when we seek treatment and we don’t get [better], we feel frustrated…we came here with [the] hope that all these problems we have [will] go away. So we…[become] disappointed.” (Refugee of African origin, age 35)
Health care providers in-turn perceived that refugees’ culture contributes to a negative perspective of western medicine. Four of the ten health care providers interviewed shared views on how this theme created a barrier to providing care, stating that “the cultural concept of medicine” was different for refugee groups. These providers made references to refugees relying on homeopathic treatments and spiritual healers. However, refugee participants did not view use of homeopathic remedies or use of spiritual healers as a barrier to accessing medical services here in the U.S. Instead, refugee participants noted that they use some cultural remedies but do not view it as a replacement to western care.
Expectations about health care extended to the gender of health care providers. Participants felt a strong yet easily resolvable barrier related to culture was gender matching—especially for female patients preferring to be seen by female health care providers. Six of the eight female refugee participants and one male noted the importance of same sex care due to cultural and religious beliefs of some refugee populations. Health care providers were also aware of the need for gender matching, especially for reproductive health concerns.
All groups noted how cultural barriers affected utilization of mental health services. Most perceived mental health services to be extremely under-utilized by refugees—yet of great need. Stigma and lack of understanding of what mental health conditions are has made it difficulty to serve the refugee population.
“They think ‘mental problems’ that…those words should be reserved for… somebody with severe Down’s syndrome or something. They don’t think mental health can be things like depression or posttraumatic stress disorder.” (MAA, former refugee, age 24)
Stigma surrounding mental health conditions was brought up by a quarter of refugee participants, and the majority of MAA and VOLAG respondents when discussing mental health care.
“They can even just go ahead and die before they tell somebody that they have a problem that will affect their life for a long time.” (MAA, former refugee, age 42)
Even if a person sought mental health care, health care providers who worked in the mental health field acknowledged a great need for more “culturally and linguistically appropriate mental health [services]”.