Introduction
James (
1902) asserted that prayer is the very soul and essence of religion. Prayer is communication through which one relates to and even identifies with God. According to James (
1902, p. 464), prayer is “every kind of inward communion or conversation with the power recognized as divine (…).” The communicative aspect of prayer seems to be its most evident feature (Baesler
2012; Spilka and Ladd
2014). Baesler (
1997), reviewing themes of 50 definitions of Christian prayer, indicated that some form of “communication,” such as talking, listening, sharing, and dialoguing, is essential to defining prayer. Moreover, most major world religions include some type of communication as a defining characteristic of prayer (Baesler
2012). Academic disciplines that investigate prayer as a religious phenomenon build on the assumption that “communication” is integral to understanding prayer (Baesler
2012).
In psychology, Ladd and Spilka (
2002,
2006) proposed a multidimensional model of prayer based on the work of Foster (
1992). According to Foster, the purpose of prayer is to connect the person praying to some type of specific reality where prayer is directed in three directions. First, prayer can be directed inward and focus on self-examination. Second, prayer can be directed outward and focus on relationships with others. Finally, prayer can be directed upward and focus on the relationship between the believer and the divine (Lazar
2017). Ladd and Spilka (
2002,
2006) developed a program of psychological research examining the cognitive aspects of prayer as connection with the divine (upward), the self (inward), and with others (outward). Upward prayers explicitly seek to connect the person praying with the divine. The desire to find quietude or stillness in the presence of God is typical of the prayer of rest, which is the classic example of upward prayer. Inward prayers serve to connect a person with his or her own spiritual condition in light of chosen theological positions. One form of inward prayer is an examination of conscience, an intellectual cataloguing of the ways in which one has lived up to or fallen short of theological tenets. Outward prayers are characterized by their emphasis on connecting with different facets of physical relational life. The essence of outward prayer is the intentional desire to join in the suffering of another person (Ladd et al.
2007).
In recent decades, there has been a tremendous increase in scientific interest regarding the links between prayer and well-being, but the results of this research are inconsistent. Most findings show positive relationships between prayer and subjective well-being (e.g., Carroll
1993; Francis and Evans
1996; Richards
1991). There are also studies which have failed to find a relationship between prayer and well-being (e.g., Ellison et al.
2001; Markides
1983). Finally, there are studies which found that some types of prayer had negative links with well-being (e.g., Poloma and Pendleton
1991). Such inconsistency suggests that the relationship studied might depend on other variables that act as moderators or mediators. A variable that can be mediator in the relationship between prayer and well-being is internal dialogical activity. It includes three areas, namely (1) internal dialogues (IDs) with figures who are not part of our social environment (e.g., with a personal God); (2) juxtaposing of the viewpoints relevant for personal and/or social identity; and (3) IDs with people we personally know (e.g., with a friend) (Puchalska-Wasyl et al.
2008). These areas seem to correspond to the upward, inward, and outward prayer, respectively. Such correspondence lets us assume that IDs can be involved in prayer.
Although prayer can quite often be accompanied by ID, we assume that they are distinct phenomena—prayer cannot be reduced to any type of ID. Indeed, on a behavioral level we can observe some similarities between prayer and ID (e.g., talking to someone whom we cannot see, saying what’s on our mind, etc.). However, at the phenomenological level there is a profound difference between them. A partner in an ID is “only” an important viewpoint. For example, when I engage in an ID with my friend, he or she has no access to this imagined activity. Prayer is something different. The deity in prayer is perceived as a metaphysical “other” with qualitatively distinct features like omniscience (Ladd et al.
2012), thanks to which God knows every human behavior and thought, and thus, He knows the content of prayer. On the other hand, God by His qualitatively distinct features is so different from human being, that a person can feel God is distant. Treating God as a partner or listener of ID makes Him closer in psychological sense. Therefore, we are of the opinion that personal prayer can be a starting point for ID in which God becomes a partner or listener. In this sense, on an observational level prayer can take a form of intrapersonal communication.
In this context, the aim of this article is to examine whether and how IDs can be mediators in the relationship between upward, inward, and outward prayer and well-being. Before our hypotheses are put forward, we will present the results of research on three basic variables: prayer, well-being, and ID.
Prayer and Well-Being
There are many studies that show positive relationships between prayer and different measures of subjective well-being. For example, Richards (
1991), in a sample of 345 people, found a positive correlation between the intensity of the prayer experience and self-reported purpose in life. Similarly, in a study of 100 members of Alcoholics Anonymous, Carroll (
1993) noticed a positive correlation between purpose in life and a variety of spiritual practices, including prayer. Francis and Evans (
1996) also explored this relationship, analyzing two samples of 12- to 15-year-olds. The first sample comprised 914 males and 726 females who never attend church. The second sample comprised 232 males and 437 females who attend church most weeks. The data showed a positive relationship between frequency of personal prayer and perceived purpose in life for both groups. Additionally, Francis (
1992) explored the relationship between prayer and attitude toward school among a sample of 3762 11-year-old pupils. After controlling for individual differences in church attendance, Francis found that pupils who prayed reported a more positive attitude toward school.
Another study was conducted on a sample of 474 college students in the UK. Maltby et al. (
1999) analyzed the association between frequency of prayer and three measures of well-being (depression, trait anxiety, and self-esteem). In the group of women, as well as in the group of men, frequency of prayer predicted lower depression, lower anxiety, and greater self-esteem. Carlson et al. (
1988) compared levels of anxiety and anger between three experimental groups, each containing 12 college students. The first group followed a program of prayer and biblical meditation, the second group followed a program of progressive relaxation exercises, and the third group was the control. After a two-week period, members of the first group reported less anger and anxiety than members of the other two groups. Krause (
2004) studied self-report data from a sample of 1258 white and African-American adults at least 66 years of age. It was found that self-esteem was highest when respondents believed that only God knows when and how to best answer prayer. Among those participants who expected prayers to be answered immediately and believed that they get what they ask for, self-esteem was lower.
Poloma and Pendleton (
1991) found that different prayer types had different links with general well-being. The authors identified four types of prayer using a factor analysis of responses to an interview survey with 560 participants. Meditative prayer reflected intimacy and personal relationship with the divine and was described by words such as adoring, reflecting, and communicating. Ritual prayer was understood as a recitation of prepared prayers available through readings or memory. Petitionary prayer was defined as requesting that specific material needs are met for self and friends. Finally, a conversational style of prayer that incorporates petitionary elements but is less concrete and specific was called colloquial prayer. Poloma and Pendleton observed that meditative prayer was significantly related to existential well-being and religious satisfaction and that colloquial prayer predicted happiness. However, ritual prayer predicted greater depression, loneliness, and tension.
Other research has failed to find a relationship between prayer and well-being. For example, Ellison et al. (
2001), in their study on 1139 American adults, initially observed a weak negative relationship between frequency of prayer and well-being, but the association was reduced to being statistically nonsignificant when social stressors were controlled. Markides (
1983) and Markides et al. (
1987) failed to find a relationship between prayer and life satisfaction in their longitudinal study. Similarly, Koenig et al. (
1993) did not confirm a significant relationship between prayer or bible study and anxiety symptoms in a sample of 1299 adults aged 60 years and above.
Inconsistent results in research on the relationship between prayer and well-being can be due to the fact that not only are different types of prayer taken into account and different groups studied, but also that well-being is understood in different ways and different measures of it are used. The individual pursuit of well-being has been studied through two perspectives: hedonistic and eudemonistic. According to the hedonistic view (propagated by Epicurean philosophy), pleasure is the main source of happiness. In accordance with the eudemonistic approach (typical for Aristotelian philosophy), happiness is the result of engaging in valuable goals (cf. Oleś and Jankowski
2018).
Hedonistic and eudemonistic approaches have been combined in the Authentic Happiness Theory by Seligman (
2002). He has posited three distinct pathways to well-being: pleasure, engagement, and meaning. The study on a group of 13,565 participants conducted by Schueller and Seligman (
2010) showed that all three pathways correlated with higher levels of subjective well-being. However, pursuing engagement and meaning was more strongly related to subjective well-being than pursuing pleasure. Objective indicators of well-being, such as measures of occupational and educational attainment, displayed a slightly different pattern—engagement and meaning were positively related, whereas pleasure was negatively related. Although these results are merely correlational, the researchers are of the opinion that engaging and meaningful activities may have stronger influences on well-being than pursuing pleasure. Thus, the models of eudemonistic psychological well-being seem to be especially worth empirical investigation in the context of prayer. Therefore, in the current study we employed Ryff’s (
1989) model of eudemonistic well-being.
The Nature of Internal Dialogues
Inconsistent results in research on the relationship between prayer and well-being can also mean that the relationship in question is modified by moderators and mediators. As we have mentioned previously, ID can act as a mediator in the relationship between prayer and well-being. What is ID? We assume that a person engages in ID when he/she adopts (at least) two different viewpoints in turn, and the utterances formulated (internally/silently/in one’s mind or externally/aloud) from these viewpoints respond to one another (Hermans
2003; Puchalska-Wasyl
2006,
2016a,
b). In this sense, ID is one kind of intrapersonal communication. The concept of ID is strongly rooted in Dialogical Self Theory (DST; Hermans
2003; Hermans and Gieser
2012), according to which dialogical relationships exist not only between the self and others but also within the self. Traditionally, self refers to processes taking place within the individual mind (“internal”), whereas dialogue is understood as a communicative process between two or more people (“external”). The concept of dialogical self transcends the internal–external dichotomy by bringing the external to the internal, and vice versa. This allows for studying not only society as inhabited by selves of individual people but also the self as a society of mind. “Like people have positions in organized society, they are populated by I-positions in the organization of their own selves” (Hermans et al.
2018, p. 7). As a result, dialogical self is defined as a dynamic multiplicity of relatively autonomous I-positions that represent different points of view available to a person. Each I-position, shaped by a particular social context, is endowed with a voice (the voice of a culture, community, significant other, or one’s own voice) and intertwined with other I-positions, resembling people in social relationships (Hermans
2003). Consequently, not only external/interpersonal but also internal/intrapersonal dialogues are possible. The viewpoints adopted in ID can represent both personal perspectives (e.g., “I-as a believer”) and someone else’s perspectives (e.g., God’s viewpoint).
ID is a heterogeneous phenomenon; therefore, it fulfils different functions. One distinction has been made between integrative and confrontational IDs with respect to their mode and outcome. Integrative IDs aim to integrate all the viewpoints involved; consequently, they can result in creative solutions. Confrontational IDs, by contrast, stress differences between standpoints and aim to enhance one of them and ignore or depreciate the others (cf. Borawski
2011; Młynarczyk
2011; Nir
2012; Puchalska-Wasyl
2016b). Comparison between these two types of IDs showed that integrative IDs perform key functions of support, bond, insight, and self-guiding to a greater degree than confrontational IDs (Puchalska-Wasyl
2016a).
Additionally, IDs can be classified with respect to the functions they serve (cf. Puchalska-Wasyl
2007). In Oleś’s (
2009) proposition, which will be discussed in more detail later (see “
Measures” section), identity dialogues, supportive dialogues, ruminative and confronting dialogues, among others, are distinguished. Identity dialogues aim at better self-knowledge and at answering identity questions. Supportive dialogues confirm the possessed beliefs and provide a sense of being understood by the imagined interlocutor. Ruminative dialogues are focused on unpleasant topics that invoke feelings of weariness, frustration, and internal breakdown. Finally, when a dialogue involves two clearly separated parts of the self that are in conflict, we call this a confronting dialogue.
The Current Study
In the context of mentioned studies, prayer seems to be associated with well-being (e.g., Carroll
1993; Francis and Evans
1996; Poloma and Pendleton
1991; Richards
1991). Studies on the function of IDs also suggest that ID can be linked with well-being. In light of definitions by Oleś (
2009), ruminative and confronting IDs appear to be non-adaptive. We also know that both these types of IDs correlate positively with anxiety, ruminative IDs correlate negatively with secure attachment style, and confronting IDs correlate negatively with self-esteem (Oleś et al.
2010), and thus, we can infer that these types of IDs are negatively related to well-being. At the same time, supportive and identity IDs correlate positively with secure attachment (Oleś et al.
2010), which allows us to think that they can be positively associated with well-being. Given that and our additional assumption that personal prayer can be a starting point for ID in which God becomes a partner or listener, we posed the following hypotheses:
In our opinion, inward prayer, which centers on honest self-evaluation and the explicit expression of one’s flaws, can involve ruminative and confronting IDs. In ruminative IDs, people invoke difficult topics in one’s own mind and delve into them. As a result, such IDs lead to frustration or internal breakdown. Confronting IDs consist in playing internal conflicts in the form of a dialogue between two clearly separated parts of the self (Oleś
2009). Taking this into account, one can predict that these both types of ID will tend to decrease well-being.
Religion offers a distinctive sacred worldview, which can be strengthened in prayer. This can increase the sense of being part of a religious community, and, consequently, a social identity can be enhanced (cf. Park and Slattery
2013). In line with this, we assumed that upward prayer, which seeks to connect the person praying with the divine, can involve identity IDs aiming to answer questions such as “Who am I in relation to God?”, “What is the ultimate meaning of my life?”, and “How does God manifest in my neighbor?” These IDs result in enhancing a religious worldview and clarifying social (religious) identity, which in turn can have a positive effect on well-being.
One of the most obvious benefits to those involved in organized religion is the social support that comes with that involvement (Park and Slattery
2013). Outward prayer that is a prayer for the intentions of other people can be seen as a type of involvement in a social network or a type of interaction with network members. At the same time, perceived social support has long been demonstrated to promote mental health. Perez et al. (
2011) observed that cancer patients who pray for others experienced less depressive symptoms because they perceived greater social support and a deep interconnectedness with others. According to Prati and Pietrantoni (
2010), believing that one can count on someone’s help is a better predictor of well-being than actual social support. Taking this into account, it seems that the link between outward prayer and well-being can be positively mediated through IDs reflecting social support (supportive dialogues).
Discussion
The aim of this study was to determine the function of IDs in mediating the relationship between prayer and psychological well-being. While it is well established that prayer can support well-being, what factors determine whether prayer leads to an increase or a decrease in psychological well-being is less known. We attempted to answer this question by studying the relationships between inward, upward, and outward prayer and well-being, with IDs as mediators in these relationships. Specifically, we hypothesized that inward prayer can be negatively associated with well-being through ruminative and confronting IDs (H1); upward prayer can be positively related to well-being through identity IDs (H2); and outward prayer can be positively associated with well-being through supportive IDs (H3). Our expectations have been entirely confirmed regarding inward and upward prayer, and not confirmed with reference to outward prayer. Additionally, what was not posed in hypotheses, we found that the relationship between upward prayer and well-being was mediated by ruminative IDs which were negatively related to both these variables.
As only upward prayer turned out to have a positive link with well-being, we will first discuss this type of prayer. In accordance with our hypothesis, upward prayer is conducive to identity IDs and thus can support well-being. Upward prayer is concerned with the human–divine relationship, and explicitly seeks to connect the practitioner with the divine (Ladd et al.
2007). This orientation to God makes upward prayer the most “religious-rooted” form of prayer. Therefore, its link with identity IDs fits into the function of religion in shaping or strengthen social (religious) identity. Upward prayer, triggering identity questions such as “Who am I in the relation to God?” and “What is the ultimate meaning of my life?”, seems to contribute to shaping a distinctive sacred worldview as well as a bond with God and other believers (religious identity). Consequently, this might enhance well-being, since as Park and Slattery (
2013) claimed: One of the pathways through which religiousness influences mental health outcomes is through the strong social identity that religion can offer.
As our results suggest, upward prayer can also reduce the chances of engaging in ruminative IDs and thus enhance well-being. Since ruminative IDs are related to ineffective problem-shooting and being tormented by them rather than seeking a constructive solution (Oleś
2009), they may coexist with reduced well-being, which is confirmed by the significant negative correlation between these two variables obtained in our study (Table
2). In contrast, upward prayer was the only type of prayer that correlated positively with well-being. Upward prayer which involves adoration of the divine (Ladd et al.
2007) shares much in common with the long-term, decision-based, committed approach to love. The emphasis here is not on ephemeral emotions or physicality. Instead, this reflects a rational, intentional choice (Ladd
2017). Presumably, the path of upward prayer–ruminative IDs–well-being works by replacing negative self-focused attention with concentrating on the divine, on gratitude toward God (cf. Perez et al.
2011). Lambert et al. (
2010) suggest that one of the ways in which prayer works is by shifting the emphasis from oneself to a partner in the relationship. It is also consistent with Spilka and Ladd’s (
2014) statement that prayer enables people to isolate themselves from their problems. Temporarily removing the problem from one’s mental field of view may allow one’s mental strength to regenerate, as well as enhance one’s sense of control over the situation. Consequently, this may induce an increase in well-being, as suggested by our study.
Taking into account inward prayer, the situation is completely different. In this type of prayer, emphasis is on honest self-evaluation and the explicit expression of one’s flaws. One form of inward prayer is an examination of conscience. Inward prayer often includes a component of tears, or an emotional reaction, especially when the examination centers on shortcomings (Ladd et al.
2007). Such type of prayer is very personal and demonstrates how a person reflects on his/her individual spiritual condition; it can be understood as dealing with the “internal concerns” of the self (Ladd
2017). In light of our results, when a person analyzes his/her own behavior in the presence of God during inward prayer, he/she seems to do it in two basic ways: He/she involves confronting and/or ruminative IDs. In the former case, while experiencing a dilemma or internal conflict, the person plays it out in the form of a dialogue between two clearly separated parts of oneself (e.g., “I-as blaming myself” vs. “I-as justifying myself”). In the latter case, the dialogue does not have to be conducted between two viewpoints treated as one’s own: For example, one part can be a personal point of view and the other can be God’s perspective. Regardless of their type, IDs associated with inward prayer concern difficult personal issues that are analyzed many times and cannot be solved constructively, which leads to frustration and internal breakdown. In our study, inward prayer was negatively related to well-being through ruminative and confronting IDs. This is consistent with Sedek and Kofta’s (
1990) thinking that, when the problem seems to be impossible or difficult to solve, the adverse situation reduces the ability of a person to think flexibly. Ruminative and confronting IDs can be the manifestation of such stiffness. The cognitive rigidity makes it impossible to deal with the problem effectively. Delving into the problem inefficiently causes a state of frustration and cognitive exhaustion (Sedek et al.
1993), which can result in decreased well-being, as suggested by our study.
We hypothesized that outward prayer would be positively associated with supportive IDs which in turn would be positively related to well-being. Contrary to our expectations, the hypothesis was not confirmed. It turned out instead that outward prayer, similarly to inward prayer, is accompanied by ruminative IDs which have a negative link with well-being. Outward prayer is characterized by the emphasis on connecting with physical relational life. The most intense component of outward prayer is when the cognitive content centers on the intentional desire to join in the suffering of the other. A hallmark of this type of prayer is the request to be so “present” as to feel another’s pain (Ladd et al.
2007). This suggests a strong sense of the “other” in outward prayer (Ladd
2017). The fact that such prayer is rooted in the pain of the other person important to oneself probably intensifies the prayer and makes it persistent and even stubborn. However, the longer the prayer is seen as not answered by God, the more it gains ruminative characteristics. Stiffness of prayer, mentioned while discussing inward prayer, associated with the conviction that God does not care about us, finally leads to frustration and internal breakdown. Presumably, this is why outward prayer connected with ruminative IDs could lower well-being.
Although our hypotheses were only partially confirmed, this study generally shows that some types of ID actually mediate the relationship between prayer and well-being. First, this suggests that prayer can be treated as a dialogical phenomenon. It is in line with the fact that many authors emphasized communicative aspects of prayer (Baesler
2003; Beach et al.
2008; Lambert et al.
2010). It is also consistent with our thinking that on an observational level personal prayer can take a form of intrapersonal communication, although it should not be reduced to any type of ID. Second, the study also makes us aware of the important role of IDs which epitomize the idea of intrapersonal communication. Additionally, this role is very complex, which means that IDs perform different functions depending on their type and the context in which they appear. For example, ruminative IDs always trigger difficult questions and lead to feelings of weariness, frustration, and internal breakdown. However, ruminative IDs associated with inward prayer are mainly used for self-blaming, while the ruminative IDs related to outward prayer are an expression of the persistent striving for the good of the other person. Further research is needed to explore the impact of IDs on well-being in the context of different phenomena.
With regard to the shortcomings of the study, it should be stressed that the cross-sectional, non-experimental design limits our ability to draw causal conclusions about the findings. For example, we cannot be sure whether well-being is the result or rather the cause of upward prayer, which reduces ruminative IDs. Moreover, in the present study we have treated type of prayer as a predictor of well-being and ID as a mediator of this relationship. However, in other study we (Puchalska-Wasyl and Zarzycka
2019) tested a model in which ID was a predictor and well-being was an outcome, with upward, inward, and outward prayer being parallel mediators. We found that upward prayer worked as a mediator of the relationship between ID and well-being: Different types of ID, which (according to the model) turned into upward prayer, increased well-being. The effects obtained ranged from .05 to .11. In the present study, the effects are lower: from .03 to − .06. Taking stronger mediation paths into account, the model previously tested can be seen as more probable, but in our opinion it is conceivable that both models can reflect reality to some degree. In order to solve the problem of influence directions, an experimental research is needed. When it comes to further limitations of our study, post hoc power analyses showed that in three models tested in this paper the statistical power of Pure Dialogical Activity (.06), Supportive Dialogues (.22 to .26), and Social Simulation Dialogues (.19 to .21), along with the respective indirect effect sizes (.01 or less for the three variables in the three models tested), were small. Therefore, we cannot definitely conclude that these types of ID are not mediators of the relationship between inward, upward, and outward prayer and well-being; we cannot also rely on the assessment of indirect effect sizes of these three types of ID. Studies conducted with a bigger sample should be performed to examine this in much more depth. Another limitation is that our study was based on individual self-reports, and thus, the response bias could not be controlled. However, this problem was probably attenuated by the fact that participants completed the questionnaires anonymously. Furthermore, the sample was dominated by women and by Polish Roman Catholics; therefore, the results need to be replicated with samples where the current shortcomings are minimized.
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