Childhood experience of sexual abuse among Hong Kong Chinese college students
Introduction
Sexual violence against children exists across cultural and societal boundaries Finkelhor and Dziuba-Leatherman 1994, Okamura et al 1995. However, variations in the norms around the issues of childrearing, child discipline, family structure, and sexuality may affect the prevalence, form, definition, characteristics, and impact of child sexual abuse across cultures and societies Finkelhor 1986, Rao et al 1992, Okamura et al 1995. Although child sexual abuse has received substantial attention and research in the Western countries for the past decades, this problem has been relatively unexplored within Chinese societies as in Hong Kong, People’s Republic of China, Taiwan, and Singapore. According to the legal and social service systems in Hong Kong, child sexual abuse is defined as “the involvement of a child in sexual activity to which the child is unable to give informed consent” (Hong Kong Social Welfare Department, 1998). This broad definition of child sexual abuse is adopted throughout this article.
There are aspects of Chinese cultural traditions and moral principles that may be conducive to child sexual abuse Ho and Kwok 1991, Rhind et al 1999, Tang et al 1999. First, the ethic of xiao (hsiao), or filial piety, prescribes that children should always obey the commands of their parents without asking questions and should respect their parents at all times. The underlying principle of this ethic is that children are properties of their parents; thus, they can be dealt with by their parents with little or no interference from others. Chinese parents often adopt childrearing practices such as the inducement of both physical and emotional closeness to foster a lifelong parent-child bonding, and the maintenance of parental authority and children’s obedience through strict discipline to train their children’s filiality Ho 1996, Tang 1998, Wu 1996. Secondly, the suppression of sexuality in traditional Chinese culture (Goodwin & Tang, 1996) also makes it difficult for Chinese children to talk about sexual matters and articulate their sexual victimization experiences (Tang & Lee, 1999). Thirdly, there is also much pressure within Chinese families to protect the family from shame; therefore, the victims and family members of child sexual abuse are often reluctant to report or support the victims Ho and Kwok 1991, Okamura et al 1995, Rhind et al 1999. Remnants of these Chinese traditions and practices are still evident in Chinese societies, despite many of these societies being exposed to Western ideas and values Okamura et al 1995, Tang et al 1999.
On the other hand, there are also positive aspects of Chinese traditions that may act as protective factors to child sexual abuse. Chinese interpersonal relations, beginning with the family, are governed by moral and ethical codes of loyalty, obligation, and reciprocity Goodwin and Tang 1996, Gabrenya and Hwang 1996, Okamura et al 1995. The five “cardinal relations” of wu lun prescribes clearly the power, responsibilities, and roles between emperor and ministers, father and son, spouse and spouse, among brothers, and among friends. Chinese have been socialized to conform or adhere to these role expectations, with strict social sanction for their violation. Thus, Chinese generally avoid or minimize inappropriate interpersonal behaviors, including sexual behaviors. Furthermore, the family plays a central organizing role for Chinese. It is the reference group that provides the individual’s source of identity, security, and support as well as reinforces strong interdependent bonds that promote a sense of solidarity among family members. In times of hardship, such as poverty or misfortune like sexual victimization, family members will render unyielding support to each other.
Available literature on child sexual abuse in the Chinese societies is sparse, and this article focuses on the situations in Hong Kong. The incidents of child sexual abuse in Hong Kong have been increasing at an alarming rate. Tang and Davis (1996) conducted a study of 457 cases of child abuse on the official centralized Child Protection Registry in Hong Kong, and found an increase in child sexual abuse from 4% in 1979 to 18% in 1995. According to the statistics reported in the 1997 Child Protection Registry (Hong Kong Social Welfare Department, 1997), child sexual abuse constituted 38% of all newly registered child abuse cases in that year. About 58% of the clients serviced by the local family centers also reported experiencing various forms of sexual abuse during childhood (Caritas Family Service, 1996). However, it must be noted that these increases might result from both a real increase in the incidents of child sexual abuse, as well as an increase in the recognition and level of reporting.
The above sources of data also showed that Chinese teenagers in Hong Kong were the most vulnerable to child sexual abuse when compared to children of other age groups, and a great majority of the victims were females. In addition, child sexual abuse was still a taboo topic and most victims did not disclose their abuse experiences to others Ho and Kwok 1991, Ho and Mak 1992, Rhind et al 1999. However, these studies were equivocal regarding whether the abusers were mainly parents, family members, or strangers to the sexually abused children.
The present study aims to explore the prevalence rate and the profiles of abusers and victims of child sexual abuse in a community sample in Hong Kong. Ideally, a randomized representative sample should be recruited and interviewed. However, because this is the first large-scale study in a Chinese society on a very sensitive topic, a college sample was used, since both local and Western researchers have suggested that college students tend to be more open and willing to participate in research on sexual matters as well as being subject to less temporal or recall bias for childhood experiences Finkelhor et al 1989, Tang et al 1996.
Section snippets
Respondents
A total of 3218 questionnaire packages were distributed to all seven local universities in Hong Kong between April and June of 1999. These universities included three comprehensive universities, two sciences and technology universities, and two liberal arts colleges. Students were typically undergraduates, came from middle-class families, and aged between 18 years and 25 years old. A total of 891 students refused to participate in the study either when the research assistants approached them or
Definitions of child sexual abuse
To understand how Chinese college students defined child sexual abuse, respondents were asked to indicate whether or not the given behaviors of adults constituted child sexual abuse. Table 1 shows that respondents gave the highest ratings to the following three behaviors: having sexual intercourse with children, penetrating children’s vagina or anus with foreign objects, and asking children to swallow adults’ semen (Mean ratings = 3.85, 3.82, 3.82). Regarding gender differences, females tended
Comparison with previous local studies
Findings of the present study were first compared to a local study on adult clients receiving services for family and psychological problems (Caritas Family Service, 1996), as well as the official statistical reports on child victims receiving services from the local social and child protection services for sexual abuse (Hong Kong Social Welfare Department, 1997) to reflect the patterns and trends of child sexual abuse in diverse Chinese samples in Hong Kong. However, caution must be taken when
Acknowledgements
This study was funded by the End Child Sexual Abuse Foundation in Hong Kong.
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