Backpackers’ motivations the role of culture and nationality

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Abstract

Backpacking has generally been regarded as an undifferentiated phenomenon. Research has paid limited attention to the origins of the backpackers studied, or to their national differences. While the practice has indeed been institutionalized, this does not necessitate homogeneity among those tourists. On the contrary, they seem more diverse and multifaceted than ever, engaging in a variety of social and recreational activities and not being similar in motivations, national and cultural background, age, gender, and class. This article examines Israeli backpackers’ motivations and travel patterns, attempting to locate their sources in home culture and society.

Résumé

La motivation des routards: le rôle de la culture et de la nationalité. On a vu généralement les voyages sac à dos comme un phénomène non différencié. Les chercheurs ont fait peu d’attention aux origines des routards qu’ils étudiaient ou à leurs différences nationales. Bien que la pratique, en effet, soit devenue une institution, cela n’entraıˆne pas nécessairement l’homogénéité de ces touristes. Au contraire, ils semblent plus divers et plus multifaces que jamais, participant à un grand nombre d’activités sociales et de loisirs, et ayant des différences de motivation, nationalité, culture, âge, sexe et classe. Cet article examine les motivations et les habitudes de voyage des routards israéliens en essayant de trouver les sources de celles-ci dans la culture et la société d’origine.

Introduction

The role of national and cultural characteristics in shaping tourist behavior and motivations has been discussed in the literature (Graburn, 1995, Pizam and Sussmann, 1995, Richardson and Crompton, 1988, Ritter, 1987). However, studies on backpackers addressing their specific nationality are rare, giving little attention in sociological discussion to the differences found among them according to nationalities. Scholars have attempted to describe their motivations and behavior, but rarely focused on their specific origin. Loker-Murphy (1996) noted different motivations among backpackers from different countries, but did not offer explanations for those findings. Muzaini (2006) discussed Asian backpackers’ distinct travel experiences, but dealt mainly with their distinctive appearance. The only context in which the connection between the social and national context and the style of this practice has been extensively investigated is the Israeli one (Cohen, 2004, Maoz, 2004, Maoz, 2005, Maoz, 2006a, Maoz, 2006b, Mevorach, 1997, Noy and Cohen, 2005).

Cohen recently noted that “there appear to be differences between backpackers from different countries… this is particularly the case with Israeli backpackers”(2004:99). In a study in South Asia, Hottola characterized the Israelis as “a distinctive group among travelers in South Asia that they cannot be overlooked here”(1999:78). In this article, the author uses data derived from participant observation and interviews to illustrate the close connection between particular social, cultural, and national aspects of Israeli society, such as compulsory army service, frequent terror attacks, and Israeli backpacking.

In the early 70s, Cohen, 1972, Cohen, 1973 described the drifters of the 60s who aspired to immerse themselves in the host societies. Backpacker tourism and academic interest in this phenomenon have grown rapidly since then. An increasing number of publications focus on it in the last decade (Desforges, 1998, Loker-Murphy, 1996, Loker-Murphy and Pearce, 1995, Maoz, 2006a, Maoz, 2006b, Muzaini, 2006, Riley, 1988, Sörensen, 2003, Teas, 1978, Uriely et al., 2002, Westerhausen, 2002). The studies generally define backpackers as self-organized pleasure tourists on a prolonged multiple-destination journey with a flexible itinerary. They are often keen to experience the local lifestyle, attempt to “look local,” and cite “meeting other people” as a key motivation. Their recreational activities are likely to focus around nature, culture, or adventure. This pattern is consonant with the tendency of backpackers to travel more widely than other tourists, seeking unusual routes. Many travel under a strictly controlled budget, often due to the relatively long duration of their journey. They are described as people who search for authentic experiences, a search based on exclusion of other tourists.

However, the above description is no more than a sketch, and should not be considered an objective tool for distinguishing backpackers from other tourists. Today they do not fit the description of drifters, deviants, and escapees depicted in some publications from the 1970s. In general, they are taking a temporary leave from affluence, but with the clear and unwavering intention of returning to “normal” life (Sörensen 2003). When asked about companions, the vast majority claim that they travel alone or with one person. In reality, however, most spend the majority of their time at popular places and in impromptu groups formed along the road (Loker-Murphy, 1996, Westerhausen, 2002). They tend to gather in ghettos or enclaves: places where large numbers congregate to experience home comforts and the company of tourists of similar interests. Some of those enclaves are nation-specific, such as the beaches in Thailand known as “Little Sweden” or “Little Germany” that constitute meeting places for tourists from the respective countries (Muzaini 2006:157).

Many travel at times of transition in their life; some have experienced “life crises” prior to their journey (Ateljevic and Doorne, 2000, Maoz, 2006b, Riley, 1988). Thus, many of their journeys can be described as self-imposed rites of passage. Backpackers often report feelings of dissatisfaction with their home societies and the pressures of everyday life. They generally see travel as a form of escape and as a chance for personal growth and a search for meaning (Ateljevic and Doorne 2000). Some studies suggest that backpackers have little interest in meeting with locals and learning about their culture. It is claimed that they simply do not care about local customs and acceptable behavior, showing instead blatant disregard for social norms. Acting out their perceived freedom from social commitments and constraints may lead them to culturally and socially inappropriate patterns of behavior.

Heterogeneity in the backpacking phenomenon is manifested in terms of nationality, purpose, motivation, organization of the trip, age, gender, and lifecycle status. Scholars have commented on aspects of this diversity (Cohen, 2004, Loker-Murphy, 1996, Loker-Murphy and Pearce, 1995, Maoz, 2006b, Murphy, 2001, Uriely et al., 2002), convincingly questioning the notion as a distinct and homogeneous category, much as Cohen, 1972, Cohen, 1979 in relation to tourism. Indeed, both the literature and backpackers themselves have used various terms to refer to these tourists, including travelers (Teas 1978), long-term budget travelers (Ateljevic and Doorne 2000), drifters (Cohen 1972), and wanderers (Vogt 1976). Loker-Murphy and Pearce identified seven categories of young practioners according to their varying motives and experiences. To label their categories they used terms such as moratorium, ascetic, alternative, party, goal-directed, Peter Pan, and adventurous (1995:829). Given this level of diversity and variety, the use of the blanket category of “backpacking” to refer to all the above-mentioned individuals and groupings may be so broad as to lack significance.

Although the range of nationalities represented is growing, backpackers are still predominantly of Western origin and culture. The vast majority come from North America, Australia, New Zealand, and Western Europe. Most of the latter are from the north, while the Mediterranean is underrepresented. Many Israelis can be found, and the number of Japanese seems to be growing. Whereas in the past, Asians were rare and the practice was inherently associated with Europeans and Americans (Westerhausen 2002), this image is fast eroding. In light of these changes, it is particularly appropriate to examine whether research on backpacking is too Western-oriented, dominated by Western academics (Teo and Leong 2006).

The role of national and cultural characteristics in shaping tourist behavior has been investigated mainly in relation to tourists rather than backpackers. Ibrahim (1991) finds countries differ significantly in their amount of leisure time, attributing this to the distinct value systems of each society. American tourists are described as significantly more interested in interaction and socializing with other tourists, and less interested in artifacts, than the Japanese and French, while Italians occupy the middle ground in this respect. French and Italians are described as avoiding local foods and preferring their own cuisine (Pizam and Sussmann 1995:912). Richardson and Crompton (1988) detect significant differences between patterns of vacation among English and French Canadians. Arab tourists are described as preferring relaxation with no physical activity (Barham 1989:37–38).

The Japanese are often portrayed as a unique category, touring in groups non-adventurously, visiting well-known “culturally approved” attractions, keeping mostly to themselves, avoiding local food and socializing with other tourists, photographing profusely, spending heavily, and engaging less in bargaining than other tourists. Koreans are also described as loyal to their sociocultural identity even when traveling, while Asian women are viewed as dependent and vulnerable (Cho, 1991, Graburn, 1995, Pizam and Sussmann, 1995, Ritter, 1987, Teo and Leong, 2006). Asians traveling in Asia were examined by Muzaini (2006), himself an Asian tourist; he stated that they receive privileges not open to White tourists and hence travel differently from other westerners.

Researchers have suggested that cultural factors can explain variations in travel behavior according to different countries (Graburn, 1995, Pizam and Sussmann, 1995). Graburn (1995:48) claims that, compared to Europeans and North Americans, the Japanese have a low sense of cultural confidence, which encourages them to travel in groups. Pizam and Sussmann (1995) quote Hofstede (1980) in suggesting that Japanese, French, and Italians show a strong tendency toward “uncertainty avoidance,” (being made nervous by situations they consider unstructured, unclear, or unpredictable) while this is not the case with Americans.

Eating local food and exposing oneself to unknown and strange experiences could be considered a form of risk. Tourists from a culture marked by a high level of “uncertainty avoidance” may be unable to tolerate the apprehension provoked by such activities, and may prefer their own food and culture while traveling. Such people are also hesitant to embrace new intercultural relationships (Hofstede 2001). Risk-taking people from a culture marked by a low level of “uncertainty avoidance” tend to be more individualistic, like the French, while the Japanese, who come from a very collectively-oriented society, may prefer a safer trip with people of similar culture.

Israelis offers a particularly interesting opportunity to examine the subject of nation-specific patterns among backpackers. They cannot be categorized in simplistic terms as either “Western” or “Eastern.” They come from a society which, like many around the world, aspires to be or to become “Western,” yet whose location also makes it “Eastern.” It is situated in the Middle East, among Arab neighbors, and many of its Jewish inhabitants originate from the Arab nations. Israeli culture shows clear signs of Middle Eastern influences, alongside the presence of Western cultural attributes. As a peripheral country, the country constantly redefines its identity vis-a-vis its immediate Arab and more distant European neighbors. Accordingly, its citizens cannot be subsumed in the broader category of Western backpackers, and have indeed been considered an exceptional group (Cohen, 2004, Hottola, 1999). This article examines in what ways Israeli backpackers are exceptional, their distinct motivations and travel patterns, and their culture and society as sources where these patterns may derive.

Section snippets

Backpackers’ motivations

Studies have identified one of the main motivations of backpackers as the desire to construct a new temporary identity through travel, in the sense that they hope to become more courageous, relaxed, and independent (Cohen, 2004, Elsrud, 2001). This form of seeking has been found to play a central role in the construction of the self (Desforges, 1998, Desforges, 2000, Galani-Moutafi, 2001, White and White, 2004). Tourist destinations, especially in the Third World, are imagined and encountered

Conclusion

Israeli researchers (Cohen, 2004, Maoz, 2005, Maoz, 2006a, Maoz, 2006b, Noy and Cohen, 2005) have found that what distinguishes Israelis from other backpackers is a highly collective orientation; they are not alienated from their own society, and hence are not in search of an alternative center. They tend to be patriotic, to keep to themselves, and to dismiss both the locals and other nationalities. They also tend to behave more permissively than others in terms of drug use and disregard for

Acknowledgement

The author is grateful to the Levi Eshkol Institute for Social, Economic and Political Studies in Israel at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem for its generous support.

Darya Maoz received her PhD in sociology and anthropology from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. Currently in the Department of Hotel and Tourism Management at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev (Beer-Sheva, Israel 84105. Email <[email protected]>), her research and teaching areas include backpacking, developing countries, terrorism zones, and host-guest contact. She is the author of India Will Love Me, a novel in Hebrew about Israeli backpackers in India.

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    Darya Maoz received her PhD in sociology and anthropology from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. Currently in the Department of Hotel and Tourism Management at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev (Beer-Sheva, Israel 84105. Email <[email protected]>), her research and teaching areas include backpacking, developing countries, terrorism zones, and host-guest contact. She is the author of India Will Love Me, a novel in Hebrew about Israeli backpackers in India.

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