Adolescent consumption autonomy: A cross-cultural examination
Introduction
Many marketers have recognized the benefit of targeting teens and their large discretionary spending power (Quart, 2003). But another important aspect of adolescent consumers is that the teenage years represent a developmental stage in which teens are achieving autonomy (Noom et al., 2001) not only as individuals transitioning to adulthood but also as consumers learning how to navigate the contours of the global market by themselves. Thus, autonomy, which can be defined as being independent or self-governing (Spear and Kulbok, 2004), is a particularly relevant variable for understanding adolescent consumers. To date, however, consumer socialization research has considered only briefly the role that autonomy plays in the acquisition of the consumer role, despite calls for a deeper understanding of children's abilities to make decisions in an adult-like manner (Roedder-John, 1999).
Given the emergence of a global teen market, the need to understand adolescent consumption autonomy and the degree to which adolescents are socialized to be autonomous consumers also is salient from a cross-cultural perspective. Global teens are thought to be similar in terms of their consumption habits with respect to such things as clothing, music, and media (Kjeldgaard and Askegaard, 2006). Consequently, the global teen market is sometimes considered to be the prototypical example of a global segment (Hassan and Katsanis, 1991). This presumed uniformity, however, may be inaccurate. Recent research suggests that adolescent consumers adapt global consumption practices and meanings to fit local contexts (Kjeldgaard and Askegaard, 2006). Consistent with this finding is a handful of cross-cultural studies that report significant differences in consumer socialization practices between highly individualistic cultures (e.g., Western cultures) and strongly collectivist cultures (e.g., Eastern cultures) (Kim et al., 2009, Rose, 1999, Rose et al., 2002a, Rose et al., 2002b). Similarly, autonomy is considered to be a universal concept that may vary due to contextual factors related to culture (Helwig, 2006, Spear and Kulbok, 2004). For example, a family environment that promotes and values self-direction and internal control is more likely to positively facilitate the development of autonomy than one that emphasizes conformity and obedience to authority (Erikson, 1968).
The aim of this study is to identify dimensions of adolescent autonomy in a consumption context using a cross-cultural sample. A clear definition of adolescent autonomy related to consumption does not exist in the literature, nor has a cross-cultural approach to examining adolescent consumption autonomy been undertaken. These issues are examined by conducting depth interviews with 15 to 18 year old teenage girls in the U.S. and France. The study focuses on adolescent girls because, relative to teenage boys, they are the primary shopping spenders in this age group in both the U.S. and France (Market Research Portal, 2004).
Section snippets
Adolescent autonomy
There is no universally accepted definition of what it means to be an autonomous adolescent consumer. Bristol and Mangleburg (2005) examined American adolescents' tendencies to deceive parents with respect to their purchase behaviors, grounding the research on the notion that teens attempt to establish greater independence from their parents by engaging in behaviors that their parents would not approve. Lueg et al. (2006) examined how events in teens' lives, such as dating and getting a job,
Cross-cultural differences related to adolescent autonomy
Salient to the current research is the likelihood of cultural variations in achieving autonomy depending on social norms, values and parental socialization (Spear and Kulbok, 2004). Comparisons of individualistic cultures to strongly collectivist cultures show that societies, as well as parents, differ in the degree to which they restrict their adolescents' behavior and encourage autonomy (Rose, 1999).
Cultural differences between France and the U.S. suggest there may be differences in how
Method
Because there is no universally accepted definition of adolescent consumption autonomy across cultures, a qualitative method was employed to uncover emic issues of society more readily and to allow a rigorous comparative analysis of data (Kjeldgaard et al., 2006, Nevid and Sta Maria, 1999).
Results
In order to develop a preliminary definition of adolescent consumption autonomy, dimensions across both cultures were identified. A cross-cultural comparison was then conducted to examine cultural variations. Excerpts are denoted with “F” or “A” to indicate the informants as French or American, respectively.
Discussion and implications
This study makes two major contributions. First, four dimensions of adolescent consumption autonomy, grounded in interviews with adolescent girls, were identified. Moreover, because the dimensions emerged from a two-country sample, the construct is more robust. Three of the four dimensions–attitudinal, emotional and functional–echo autonomy dimensions established in the psychology literature. However, examining autonomy in a consumption context revealed one additional dimension, financial, and
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