Medicinal and magic plants from a public market in northeastern Brazil
Introduction
Markets are public spaces in which many kinds of products are sold, as well as places of cultural information exchange. These spaces are distinctive for a given culture or society because they represent small-scale reproductions of that region's cultural and biological diversity. It is common to find specific locations in these markets where plants and animals are sold for medicinal purposes, locations that serve to unite, maintain, and diffuse empirical knowledge from different regions and of different origins. The on-going search for natural products, as part of a collective social strategy, increases the importance of these traditional centers. However, despite this importance, few ethnobotanical studies have focused on herbal vendors in public markets and/or fairs (Jain, 2000). Almeida and Albuquerque (2002) believe that information on exotic and native flora and fauna obtained in these markets can serve as subsides for conservation strategies for commercialized resources. Cunningham (2001) suggested that information concerning commercialized plants could be used for such ends as identifying sites of intensive harvesting, which in turn could be used to monitor plant populations. These markets also supply material to religious groups that use plant and animal resources in a magical-religious perspective (Vogel et al., 1993, Albuquerque, 2006a).
Ethnobotanical studies focusing on traditional markets are still scarce, and methodologies for information collection in these locations are still under development (see some suggestions in Bye and Linares, 1983). Studies carried out until recently have been basically descriptive, focusing on the diversity of plants and/or animals commercialized (Nicholson and Arzeni, 1993, Narváez and Stauffer, 1999, Williams et al., 2000, Lev and Amar, 2002, Hanlidou et al., 2004, Macía et al., 2005), although some studies have, in fact, addressed the importance and seasonality of the species sold (Mertz et al., 2001) or have taken advantage of the marketplace context to discuss quantitative analyses in ethnobotanical research (Williams et al., 2005). This same descriptive trend can be found in numerous studies undertaken in Brazil (Costa-Neto, 1999, Parente and Rosa, 2001, Nunes et al., 2003), and contain discussions concerning the origin and conservation of the resources being commercialized (Almeida and Albuquerque, 2002).
Additionally, local markets are linked to the religious practices of millions of Brazilians who practice cults of African origin. In the view of some authors, such as Vogel et al. (1993), these market places constitute obligatory passage for devotees of the Afro-Brazilian cults, localities where it is possible to obtain all the elements necessary to undertake the prescribed rituals, including plants with magic-religious significance. These plants are used in “cleansing baths” designed to eliminate offensive energies from the bodies of the users, and to establish links with the divinities worshiped in these religions; as incense; and in drinks with numerous functions, including closer contacts with the spiritual world (Albuquerque, 2001, Albuquerque, 2006a). A number of authors have pointed out the importance and the scope of these plants sold in public markets (Vogel et al., 1993, Parente and Rosa, 2001).
The purpose of the present study was to analyze a list of species sold in one of the oldest and most traditional markets of Recife, Pernambuco State (northeastern Brazil), and compare the data collected at two distinct dates with a 7-year interval between them. This paper also addresses the questions: (1) Was there a change in the taxonomic richness during the 7-year period between the surveys? Here, we are working with the supposition that these markets are open and dynamic systems (e.g. Garro, 1986, Almeida and Albuquerque, 2002) and, as such, will tend to become richer over time with the addition of new elements to their repertoire; (2) Were there differences over time in the proportions of plants used for either medicinal or magical-religious purposes? We believe that in spite of the strong market for plants that satisfy Afro-Brazilian religious cult demands (Vogel et al., 1993), medicinal plants are the dominant commercial element as they are sought by a wider spectrum of society (e.g. Albuquerque, 2006a); (3) Considering the time interval of 7 years, are there differences in the relative importance of the different species? In the same way that we suspect that there will be a taxonomic enrichment of the species offered over time, the influence of modern communication and informal information exchange between people might result in new uses being ascribed to a given plant.
Additionally, we develop here an in-depth discussion of some methodological issues that affect ethnobotanical research in public markets. These considerations are added in an attempt to systematize information found in the literature, as well as to draw attention to new questions and problems that have appeared in practical situations that researchers may encounter.
Section snippets
Research questions and hypotheses
Research in local or traditional markets has usually taken a descriptive approach, presenting lists of useful plants (e.g. Nicholson and Arzeni, 1993, Parente and Rosa, 2001). It is rare to find studies that test hypotheses or that propose practical and objective investigative questions (e.g. Hanlidou et al., 2004). Here, we present some examples of questions, based on published works (e.g. Botha et al., 2004, Hanlidou et al., 2004, Macía et al., 2005), which can be used in ethnobotanical
Study area
According to the city records of Recife, Pernambuco State, NE Brazil (Fig. 1, 8°04′03″S and 34°55′0″W) (Csurb, 2006), there are a total of 17 public markets and fairs in that metropolis. Open-air fairs are held in public areas during specific days of every week, and they are normally found near public markets. These markets sell horticultural products and handicrafts, and usually have a medicinal plant section consisting of several stands. The São José Market in Recife was selected for this
Variation in taxonomic richness
The two surveys at the São José Market yielded a total richness of 136 species, 120 genera, and 66 families; 29 specimens were not identified. Similar values for richness have been documented by other authors. Hanlidou et al. (2004) reported 146 plant species used in traditional medical practices that were sold at public markets in Thessaloniki, Greece. Almeida and Albuquerque (2002) recorded 114 species being sold at an important public market in the interior of Pernambuco State, Brazil.
Conclusions
Our results suggest that markets are open and dynamic systems that tend to conserve their repertoire while at the same time allowing for the addition of new plants and their respective indications. Using relative importance to compare the role of species in distinct situations must be undertaken with care, however, as the differences observed derive from the specific context of the use citations and from the nature of the mathematical calculations. Nevertheless, these analyses serve to show
Acknowledgements
The authors wish to acknowledge the informants for the hospitality and receptivity during the fieldwork and the CNPq for the financial support to U.P. Albuquerque.
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