Hitting the wall in the marathon: Phenomenological characteristics and associations with expectancy, gender, and running history

Abstract

Objectives

This study was designed to identify salient characteristics of hitting the wall in the marathon and to assess the frequency of self-reported occurrence of the wall as a function of expectancy, gender, and running history.

Design

A correlational research design was used.

Method

Participants (218 men and 97 women) from three Eastern Seaboard marathons in the United States responded to items regarding general demographic information and expectation of the wall prior to the marathon. After the marathon, participants were asked to report the occurrence of the wall, whether they experienced each of 24 potential characteristics of the wall, and the impact of these characteristics on performance.

Results

Approximately 43% of participants reported that they hit the wall during the marathon. Logistic regression analysis indicated that generalized fatigue, unintentionally slowing pace, desire to walk, and shifting focus to survival were salient characteristics of the wall. Logistic regression analyses indicated that male gender, expectancy of hitting the wall, shorter distance of longest training run, and previous episodes of hitting the wall were associated with reports of hitting the wall.

Conclusions

Several robust characteristics of the wall were identified. Occurrence of the wall phenomenon appears to be more prevalent among men than among women and may be influenced by expectancy.

Introduction

In the United States alone, more than 400,000 people are estimated to complete a marathon each year (USA Track and Field, 2004). In keeping with the widespread involvement in marathon running, researchers have examined multiple aspects of the marathon experience from a psychological perspective. Motivation (Masters & Lambert, 1989; Masters & Ogles, 1998; Masters, Ogles, & Jolton, 1993), injury (Masters & Lambert, 1989; Masters & Ogles, 1998), cognition (Masters & Ogles, 1998; Morgan, O’Connor, Sparling, & Pate, 1987; Morgan & Pollock, 1977; Sacks, Milvy, Perry, & Sherman, 1981; Schomer, 1986; Stevinson & Biddle, 1998), and perceived outcomes (Summers, Sargent, Levey, & Murray, 1982) are among the topics that have been investigated. Clearly, the marathon is a rich and appealing domain of psychological study. In certain ways, the marathon may act as an encapsulated mechanism representative of life challenges. Understanding perseverance during fatigue, goal adjustments made in training, perceived limitations, and the phenomenological meanings marathon runners attach to their experiences may assist in providing insight into human nature as a whole (Manuel, 2000).

A relatively neglected area of inquiry is the phenomenological experience of “the wall”. Although most marathon runners are very familiar with the notion of “hitting the wall” (HTW) and recognize the experience as distinct from the generalized fatigue and discomfort inherent in marathon running, researchers have devoted little attention to gaining a clearer understanding of the antecedents, meanings, and symptoms of the wall. From a physiological perspective, the wall has been defined as “where glycogen supplies have been exhausted and energy has to be converted from fat” (Stevinson & Biddle, 1998, p. 229). Although this definition may assist in understanding what the wall is physiologically, it offers little explanation for how the phenomenon is experienced by the marathon runner.

Psychological attributes of marathon runners HTW are not fully understood. Morgan and Pollock (1977) were the first to empirically study the wall in their seminal work on the cognitions of runners. Elite and nonelite runners were interviewed, and marked differences in cognitions were found between the two groups. The nonelite runners described responding to the wall by using dissociative strategies, in which they purposely cut themselves off from sensory feedback from their body. The elite runners, however, described responding to the phenomenon by using associative strategies, in which they paid attention to and maintained awareness of their body and physical factors critical to performance. Approximately 51% of the runners reported HTW in the marathon. Both groups reported that these strategies were successful in helping them cope with the wall (Morgan, 1978).

Summers et al. (1982) surveyed middle-aged, nonelite runners who were attempting their first marathon regarding their reasons for running a marathon, their perceived outcomes upon completing the marathon, and their experiences while running the marathon. Of the 363 runners surveyed, 52% reported HTW, with the majority (73%) of those reporting that they experienced the wall after the 19-mile mark. Cognitive strategy (i.e., dissociation versus association) was not related to reports of HTW.

Stevinson and Biddle (1998) further described the wall experience in their examination of the relationship between HTW and running cognitions. A postrace questionnaire revealed that 35 of 66 nonelite marathon runners (53%) reported HTW. Reports of encountering the phenomenon early in the marathon were correlated with a longer duration of the wall experience and slower finishing times. Runners who reported a tendency toward using an inward dissociation strategy were more likely than those who used other cognitive strategies to indicate that they hit the wall during the marathon (Stevinson & Biddle, 1998).

Although initial investigations of the wall from a psychological perspective have consistently documented that slightly more than 50% of marathon participants report having hit the wall (Morgan & Pollock, 1977; Stevinson & Biddle, 1998; Summers et al., 1982), a clear and consistent definition of HTW has not been established. In an attempt to better define the phenomenon, Manuel (2000) was the first to examine it qualitatively from the perspective of the marathon runner. Manuel sought to understand the physical, emotional, and mental aspects of the wall. Structured interview sessions yielded descriptions of the wall in terms of how the experience surfaced, how long the experience lasted, and the overall nature of the experience. Manuel identified differences in the descriptions of the wall as a function of marathon performance level. Lower level runners reported HTW earlier and more often than higher level runners. In addition, lower level runners described the wall as an unavoidable force that could not be overcome. Lower level marathoners defined success in terms of their ability to manipulate onset and duration of the phenomenon, whereas higher level runners reported race management as being more important.

Gender may also play a role in the experience of the wall. Stevinson and Biddle (1998) found that a significantly smaller percentage of females reported HTW than males. This difference may be due to greater fat storage in women, although little empirical support for this possibility exists (Blue, 1988). Another potential explanation for the gender difference is expectancy—males may expect to hit the wall to a greater extent than females. In the sport realm, expectancy has been examined in basketball (Solomon et al., 1996), jogging (Berger, Owen, Motl, & Parks, 1998), weight lifting (Maganaris, Colline, & Sharp, 2000), physical education (Martinek & Karper, 1984), and throwing accuracy (Yukelson, Weinberg, West, & Jackson, 1981), mostly with regard to the expectations of others and the effects of those perceptions on performance. Research has shown that expectations can influence perceptions of subjective experiences. Wilson, Lisle, Kraft, and Wetzel (1989) investigated the effects of an affective expectation on an affective experience. Participants evaluated an experience consistent with their expected affective response more quickly when the intensity of the expected affective response was strong than when it was weak. This effect appeared to hold even when the actual affective experience was in direct contradiction to the affective expectation. Wilson et al. suggested that expectations formed by an individual play a role in how affective experiences are perceived and manifested. As a strong affective experience that has been highly publicized in marathon lore (Latta, 2003), HTW may be subject to the sort of expectancy effect reported by Wilson et al.

The primary purposes of the current study were to further assess the frequency of HTW among marathon runners and to identify salient phenomenological characteristics of the wall in an effort to better define the experience. Although the investigation was largely descriptive, it was hypothesized that reports of HTW would be more prevalent among men and marathon runners who expected to hit the wall than women and marathon runners who did not expect to experience the phenomenon (Blue, 1988; Stevinson & Biddle, 1998). Associations between the occurrence of the wall and selected marathon- and training-related variables (i.e., number of previous marathons completed, personal best marathon time, previous encounters with the wall, number of months of training, highest weekly training volume, and longest single run in preparation for the current marathon) were also examined.