Original ResearchIs there a robust relationship between neighbourhood food environment and childhood obesity in the USA?
Introduction
Healthy people 2010 aimed to reduce the proportion of obese children and adolescents in the USA to 5% by 2010.1 However, the actual rates are three times higher. The latest figures show 16.9% of those aged 2–19 years in the obese category [at or above the 95th percentile of the body mass index (BMI)-for-age growth chart] and 31.8% in the overweight category (at or above the 85th percentile).2 This has led to a flurry of governmental activities in the past year, including a $400 million healthy food initiative,3 the establishment of the White House Childhood Obesity Task Force,4 and a new strategic plan that makes obesity prevention a priority in the Department of Health and Human Services.5
A recurring theme in these governmental activities is the role of the food environment, in particular the notion of ‘food deserts’, where access to healthy and affordable food is limited, especially in disadvantaged neighbourhoods.6 ‘Food deserts’ are often identified by the absence of large supermarkets and the presence of a large number of fast food restaurants and/or small food outlets.7, 8 The hypothesis linking the food environment to obesity argues that greater access to fast food outlets, convenience stores and small grocery stores results in lower diet quality and overeating, whereas greater access to large supermarkets has a preventive effect due to its provision of various healthy products, mainly fruits and vegetables. This hypothesis is a central theme of the White House Childhood Obesity Task Force report7 and the $400 million healthy food financing initiative.3
Evidence on how the food environment relates to obesity is still developing and, at this point, is more tentative than presented in the media and policy arguments.9, 10, 11 The Task Force's recommendation on increasing the number of supermarkets in order to reduce childhood obesity only references a single study that associated nearby chain supermarkets with lower adolescent BMI and convenience stores with higher BMI.12
Reflecting the relatively early stage of this field, existing studies are heterogeneous with many unique measures and approaches that preclude meta-analyses.9 In any new field of investigation, early results do not always hold up, or require some modification that is only detectable through replication, a central principle of the scientific method. The absence of reproducibility of original findings stems from factors such as lack of statistical power in individual studies, selection bias and publication bias.13, 14
This study contributes to the literature on obesity epidemiology by examining the robustness of the relationship between neighbourhood food environment and youth BMI percentile in the USA using alternative environment measures and model specifications. Three commonly applied measures of the food environment are adopted, namely the per-capita counts of a particular type of food outlet in the neighbourhood,12, 15, 16 the food environment indices (i.e. ratio of certain types of food outlets vs other or all outlets),17, 18, 19 and indicators for the presence of specific combinations of types of food stores.20 Alternative measures may reflect dissimilar assumptions on consumer behaviour and/or capture different characteristics of the food environment, so results can differ. However, if results are highly sensitive to the choice of measure, more caution should be placed on the interpretation of results and policy implications. Aside from replicating cross-sectional analyses with different food environment measures, changes in BMI over time were also studied. Almost all published studies have used cross-sectional outcomes (i.e. obesity or BMI at a point in time), and thus a longitudinal outcome measure should serve as an important complement. If certain environmental factors lead to obesity, results should hold when examining the change in BMI. As this study investigated youth, the outcome measures were BMI percentile (based on growth chart) and change in BMI percentile (from fifth to eighth grade).
Section snippets
Data
Individual-level data came from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study-Kindergarten Class (ECLS-K), a multistage longitudinal survey of a nationally representative cohort of kindergarteners starting school in the 1998–1999 school year in the USA. Students were followed from kindergarten to eighth grade. Data used in this study were collected in the spring of fifth grade (2004) and eighth grade (2007). Height and weight were measured twice in each wave to reduce measurement error. Eighth-grade
Results
Table 1 shows descriptive statistics for the ECLS-K sample. Half of the sample was female, and a variety of races/ethnicities were included (60% Caucasian, 15% African American, 18% Hispanic, 3% Asian and 4% other race or multirace). The average BMI in the spring of eighth grade was 23, and the average BMI percentile was 66.7. More than one-third (36%) of the sample was overweight (BMI percentile > 85) and 19% were obese (BMI percentile > 95). On average, youth reported participating in
Discussion
This paper provides new data on the association between neighbourhood food environment and youth obesity using a nationally representative sample. To replicate and assess previous results that have received considerable attention, three types of measures were used to predict two individual outcomes: BMI percentile at eighth grade and change in BMI percentile from fifth to eighth grade. No consistent evidence was found across measures and outcomes to support the null hypothesis that greater
Ethical approval
This study was reviewed by the RAND Human Subjects Protection Committee (HSPC) and determined to be exempt from HSPC review.
Funding
This research was funded by the National Institute on Child Health and Human Development (Grant R01HD057193) and the National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences (Grant P50ES012383).
Competing interests
None declared.
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