Are people inequality averse, and do they prefer redistribution by the state?: Evidence from German longitudinal data on life satisfaction

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socec.2005.11.047Get rights and content

Abstract

We link life-satisfaction data to inequality of the pre- and post-government income distribution at the regional level, to estimate the degree of inequality aversion. Three different inequality measures are used. In addition, we investigate whether a reduction in inequality by the state increases individual well-being. We find evidence that Germans are inequality averse. Inequality reduction by the state does not increase well-being. On the contrary, inequality reduction imposes an excess burden on middle-income earners. The paper uses data from the German Socio-economic Panel Study (GSOEP) from 1985 to 1998.

Introduction

Most industrialized countries redistribute income from rich to poor. Revenue from progressive income taxation and payroll taxation is distributed to individuals through both monetary and non-monetary transfer payments. Redistribution policy reduces income inequality, from the perspective of the pre-government income distribution, and results in a more equal post-government income distribution. Table 1 shows the extent of income redistribution by the state for selected OECD countries. Inequality is measured by the Gini coefficient. It can be seen that Northern European countries reduce income inequality by about 50%, and Germany does so by 35%. Even in the United States, the reduction of pre-government inequality through redistribution is about 25%.

Economic theory advances a wide range of hypotheses to explain and legitimize redistribution by the state. For convenience, we summarize the main hypotheses with reference to three arguments as follows. The first is an efficiency argument. Individual preferences might be better satisfied by institutions such as the state if private transactions are affected by market failure. The second argument is related to self-interest. Redistribution policy is driven by elections, group pressure, rent seeking, and so on. A popular model is that of the median voter. Another is the theory of Rawls (1971). The basic hypothesis of the third argument is that people are intrinsically inequality averse, which means that inequality enters individual utility functions. A possible justification for this is that individuals are altruistic or prefer a more equal income distribution, which then becomes something of a ‘public good’ (see Thurow, 1971, for a discussion). While the underlying motivation is of less interest to economists, whether such preferences provide additional legitimization (beyond efficiency concerns) for political redistribution is of interest.

In this paper, we focus on the third argument. We link survey data from the German Socio-economic Panel Study (GSOEP) on individual life satisfaction to the extent of regional income inequality. In contrast to other recent studies, however, we do not use post-government income inequality to test whether people are inequality averse, because we argue that post-government income inequality is not an ideal indicator. Instead, we decompose post-government income inequality into its constituent parts, namely pre-government income inequality and the extent of redistribution by the state. Thus, we are able to analyze whether people are inequality averse and also whether they support redistribution by the state.

The GSOEP provides information over a period of 14 years for West Germany on individual life satisfaction as well as information on several individual economic and socio demographic determinants of life satisfaction. In addition, the use of panel data allows one to control for unobserved individual heterogeneity. For each year, pre-government and post-government income inequality is computed for 75 regional areas within West Germany. In what follows, Section 2 contains some theoretical considerations and preliminary empirical findings. Section 3 describes our approach to linking satisfaction data and income inequality, describes the data, and explains the estimation methods. The estimation results are presented in Section 4. Finally, Section 5 concludes the paper.

Section snippets

Theoretical considerations and previous empirical findings

Because our study focuses on inequality aversion, we briefly discuss the relationships between inequality aversion and some of the other arguments for explaining redistribution already mentioned.

The basic idea behind the inequality aversion argument is that people are inequality averse, irrespective of their economic status. Supposing that people are inequality averse in this sense, one could ask whether everyone would support redistribution by the state. Theoretically, altruistic preferences

Life satisfaction and income inequality: data and estimation methods

Our empirical approach is based on linking perceptions of regional income inequality and the reduction of inequality by the government to individual data on life satisfaction. We measure inequality at the regional level. It is reasonable to assume that individuals are affected more by inequality within their own region than by nationwide inequality (see Hagerty, 2000). Regional inequality is observed by people as least as well as is nationwide inequality. In addition, this approach has the

Estimation results

The empirical results are shown in the following tables. Only the estimated coefficients for inequality and inequality reduction are presented. The tables in Appendix A include all the estimated parameters. Most of the estimates are consistent with those in the empirical literature on life satisfaction. As expected, life satisfaction increases with pre-government income and the net income of the household. The position in the income distribution has no effect on life satisfaction, except for

Conclusions

Using panel data covering a 14-year period between 1985 and 1998, we regressed life satisfaction, rated on a scale ranging from 0 to 10, on regional income inequality and on the percentage reduction in inequality achieved through tax and transfer policy. We measured income inequality by using three different indices.

As have other recent papers on this topic, we started with a model in which life satisfaction is regressed on post-government income inequality. However, we argued that the use of

Acknowledgements

We thank Andrew E. Clark, Paris, Guido Heineck, Vienna, Markus Pannenberg and Gert Wagner, Berlin, Heinz-Dieter Wenzel, Bamberg, and an anonymous referee for helpful comments.

References (38)

  • Bundesamt für Bauwesen und Raumordnung, 1999. Aktuelle Daten zur Entwicklung der Städte, Kreise und Gemeinden, Ausgabe...
  • Clark, A.E., 2003. Inequality Aversion and Income Mobility: A Direct Test. Working Paper 2003-11. DELTA,...
  • A.E. Clark et al.

    Unhappiness and unemployment

    Economic Journal

    (1994)
  • Corneo, C., 2001. Inequality and the State: Comparing U.S. and German Preferences. Working Paper 398. Center for...
  • C. Corneo et al.

    Social limits to redistribution

    American Economic Review

    (2000)
  • C. Corneo et al.

    Individual preferences for political redistribution

    Journal of Public Economics

    (2002)
  • F.A. Cowell

    Measuring Inequality

    (1995)
  • J.A. Davis

    New money an old man/lady and ‘two's company’. subjective welfare in the NORC general social surveys 1972–1982

    Social Indicators Research

    (1984)
  • E. Diener et al.

    Subjective well-being: three decades of progress

    Psychological Bulletin

    (1999)
  • Cited by (76)

    • Does income inequality affect individual happiness? Evidence from Seoul, Korea

      2022, Cities
      Citation Excerpt :

      Using aggregated European data for 1981–2004, Verme (2011) also showed that income inequality has a negative relationship with life satisfaction. In addition to these studies, numerous other studies have demonstrated that income inequality is natively related to individual happiness (Graham & Felton, 2006; Oshio & Kobayashi, 2011; Schwarze & Harpfer, 2007; Wang et al., 2015). On the other hand, scholars identified a positive relationship between income inequality and subjective well-being using the concept of the tunnel effect, a term proposed by Hirschman and Rothschild (1973) to refer to the fact that people feel happy when they observe the success of others because the success can imply their own future prospects.

    • Subjective Well-Being Impacts of Natural Hazards: A Review

      2020, Economic Effects of Natural Disasters: Theoretical Foundations, Methods, and Tools
    View all citing articles on Scopus
    View full text