Gender role orientations and alcohol use among Moscow and Toronto adults
Introduction
Despite a narrowing sex gap in alcohol use (Kinney, 2003), men in Russia (Cockerham, Snead, & DeWaal, 2002) and Canada (Advisory Committee on Population Health, 1999) continue to consume more alcohol than their female counterparts. According to a recent Canadian health survey (ACPH, 1999), 43 percent of women drink at least once per month compared to 63 percent of men. Likewise, 42 percent of men compared to 21 percent of women report “binge” drinking, or consuming five or more consecutive drinks at once. In Russia, the sex disparity in alcohol use may be even greater: as Cockerham et al. (2002, p. 48) observe, “adult males consume 90 percent of the alcohol in Russia, yet comprise 25 percent of the population.” Men's tendency towards binge drinking, in particular, appears to be an important source of Russia's health-related troubles (Bobak, Pikhart, Hertzman, Rose, & Marmot, 1999; Chenet, McKee, Leon, Shkolnivkov, & Vassin, 1998; Cockerham et al., 2002).
To some extent, sex differences in alcohol use may reflect variations in women's and men's physiology or biological predispositions. For instance, equal doses of alcohol yield higher blood alcohol levels for women relative to men (Corrigan, 1985; McCrady, 1988), and intergenerational patterns of alcohol abuse have been more clearly demonstrated among males (see Zucker, Boyd, & Howard, 1994). However, biogenetic studies tend to overestimate the magnitude of genetic effects (Horwitz, Videon, Schmitz, & Davis, 2003), and sociocultural influences, like gender role socialization, appear to better predict alcohol consumption patterns (Gomberg, 1982; Robbins, 1989).
While many prior studies have examined the effects of gender role orientations on alcohol use (e.g., Barrett & White, 2002; Horwitz & White, 1987; Huselid & Cooper, 1992; Lengua & Stormshak, 2000), none that we could identify consider their effects in a cross-national context. Because cultural, social, and historical circumstances shape masculinity, femininity (Elder, 1974; Lerner, Sorell & Brackney, 1981), and alcohol use patterns (Cockerham et al., 2002), cross-national analyses may yield new insights about their interrelationships. In particular, sex- and nation-contingent effects of gender role orientations are not well understood. In addition, since most of the relevant work to date focuses on adolescents or young adults (Barrett & White, 2002; Horwitz & White, 1987; Huselid & Cooper, 1992), less is known about the effects of gender role orientations on adult drinking behavior. Adult reactions to life conditions often differ from youth responses (Hoffman & Su, 1998); thus, the effects of gendered attributes also may vary meaningfully by age.
In the present study, we use data from representative community samples of Moscow and Toronto adults to examine the extent to which sex differences in alcohol use are mediated and/or moderated by masculinity and femininity, and we explore whether or not observed patterns are consistent across samples. We acknowledge that our samples and the estimates they yield do not necessarily represent the alcohol use patterns of particular Western or Eastern-block nations. Yet we believe that these large capital cities embody several of the core distinctions between Russia and Canada that make data from those areas interesting to compare.
First, Russian culture exemplifies a tradition of socialist and collectivist politics, whereas Canada embraces a more liberal democratic and individualistic political tradition (Triandis & Suh, 2002). While individualist ideals celebrate self-reliance, independence, and uniqueness (Triandis & Gelfand, 1998), collectivist ideals place greater value on in-group goals, norms, and concerns (Mills & Clark, 1982). Arguably, such tendencies have important implications for well-being. For instance, prevailing Russian customs promote the rapid consumption of alcohol in large quantities, especially among men (Cockerham, 1997; Partanen, 1987; Shkolikov & Nemstov, 1997). Because norm violators are more often penalized in collectivist than in individualist contexts (Triandis & Suh 2002), the potential costs of abstinence, like social ostracism (Fleming, Meyroyan, & Klimova, 1994), may provide a unique motive for heavier drinking in Russia relative to Canada. Thus, exploring the distinctive ways in which gender role orientations influence patterns of alcohol use in Moscow and Toronto seems a worthy pursuit.
A second and perhaps related distinction concerns health disparities between Russian and Canadian citizens. Although Canadian life expectancy is relatively high (ACPH, 1999), Russian life expectancy has fallen almost ceaselessly for more than a decade—a circumstance that is attributable, in part, to alcohol use trends (Cockerham, 1997; Cockerham et al., 2002). Leading causes of death in Russia, such as circulatory diseases and accidents, have been linked to alcohol use, as have rising rates of alcohol poisoning, cirrhosis of the liver, fetal alcohol syndrome, psychological distress, divorce, and crime (Cockerham et al., 2002; Davis, 1993; Field, 1995; Kinney, 2003; Stack & Bankowski, 1994; Weiss & Lonquist, 1997). Russia's turbulent history regarding alcohol policy (Herlihy, 1990; Korolenko, Minevich, & Segal, 1994), its continuing struggle with alcohol-related problems (Field, 1995; Partanen (1987), Partanen (1993)), and recent evidence that per capita consumption of alcohol in Russia is among the highest in the world (Cockerham et al., 2002) signal a pressing need for alcohol user research in Russia. An appreciation of the fundamental cultural roots of global health trends could be enhanced by a consideration of the alcohol-related effects of gender role orientations in Moscow relative to Toronto.
Finally, we believe that comparing these two urban contexts may help clarify the ways in which cosmopolitan notions about masculinity, femininity, and alcohol use vary by nation and influence health patterns. That is, national gender and health-related social constructions may be influenced by distinctive urban drinking cultures. In a sense, our Moscow and Toronto samples allow us to control for urbanicity since both are representative of large metropolitan centers in their respective countries.
In sum, we assert that the present study has the potential to expand prior work on gender, health, and culture. Before turning to our analyses, we consider the following. First, we define gender role orientations. Next, we review the literature on the extent to which masculinity and femininity mediate sex–alcohol use links. We then describe possible sex-contingent effects of gender role orientations on alcohol use and explore the potential moderating effects of nation on the alcohol-related effects of gender role orientations. Finally, we summarize our hypotheses.
Section snippets
Gender role orientations
Institutional and social structural arrangements shape and reinforce gender roles and the personal attributes associated with those roles. Among boys, socialization patterns encourage conduct and personality traits that suit the public endeavors that men have assumed traditionally, like paid work (Hagan, Gillis, & Simpson, 1985; Hagan, Simpson, & Gillis (1987), Hagan, Simpson, & Gillis (1988)). More often than women, men are expected to be decisive and take risks. Thus, the qualities associated
Moscow
The Moscow data were collected in 1996 under the supervision of social scientists at the Institute of Socio-Economic Problems of Population (ISEPP) at the Russian Academy of Sciences in Moscow and the University of Cincinnati (see Vannoy et al., 1999). This multi-stage cluster probability sample of adults, aged 18–60, was drawn from voter registration lists in nine prefectures of Moscow's metropolitan area. Given that all adults in Russia are required to register to vote by age 18, voter
Alcohol use
We created an index of alcohol use by combining the frequency and amount of drinking as follows. In the Moscow survey, respondents were asked how often they drank “a glass of beer, wine, vodka, or other alcoholic beverage” during the past 30 days. Response choices for the frequency of alcohol use are: (1) no drinks in the past 30 days or “only on holidays;” (2) 1–3 days last month; (3) 1–2 days a week; (4) 3–4 days a week; and (5) 5 or more days a week. Response categories for the amount of
Results
Table 2 presents the means and proportions of the study variables for each sample and by sex. Compared to Toronto respondents, Moscow respondents are older, work more hours per week, and more often are married or parents. Although not directly comparable, Russian respondents appear to score lower on masculinity and alcohol use than Toronto respondents, while cross-sample femininity scores appear similar. Consistent with prior studies, women in both samples report higher levels of femininity and
Discussion
Alcohol consumption patterns vary by country and over time. Yet across history and national borders, men have tended to drink more alcohol and experience more alcohol-related problems than women (ACPH, 1999; APA, 1994; Cockerham et al., 2002; Kessler, McCongle, Swartz, Blazer, & Nelson, 1993; Kessler et al., 1994). Arguably, gendered socialization patterns contribute to sex differences in drinking behaviors (Gomberg, 1982; Robbins, 1989), and nation-level factors may influence those effects (
Limitations
Although suggestive, our results should be interpreted in light of the study's limitations. Given our reliance on cross-sectional analyses, we cannot definitively establish temporal order between gender role orientations and alcohol use patterns. However, it appears that gender role orientations are dimensions of the self that, once established in adolescence or young adulthood, remain relatively stable (Rosenfield, 1999). Thus, masculinity and femininity likely precede adult alcohol use
Conclusion
In sum, we find that: femininity is related to higher alcohol use among Toronto women; masculinity is associated with lower levels of use among Moscow men; and masculinity is related to higher use among Moscow women. Thus, partial support is found for our contention that gender role orientations exert sex- and nation-contingent effects on alcohol use. Because gender role orientations additionally are linked to “breadwinner” and “caregiver” roles, future research should explore the extent to
Acknowledgements
The Toronto study was supported by a research grant and a National Health Scientist Award from the Health Research and Development Program (NHRDP) of Canada to Dr. R. Jay Turner. Support for the Moscow study was provided by a grant from the US National Science Foundation (NSF 9511736) to Dr. Dana Vannoy. We express our sincere appreciation to Drs. Turner and Vannoy for their permission to use these data sets. We also thank Cliff Brown, David Finkelhor, and the anonymous reviewers for their
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