Subjective relative deprivation is associated with poorer physical and mental health
Introduction
Income inequality is an issue of great concern to citizens and governments worldwide for good reason: Income inequality has been associated with nearly every measurable social, health, and well-being issue (reviewed in Pickett and Wilkinson, 2015, Wilkinson and Pickett, 2006, Wilkinson and Pickett, 2007, Wilkinson and Pickett, 2009). Here, we (a) briefly review epidemiological evidence linking inequality, mental health, and physical health; (b) describe the relative deprivation hypothesis, which may account for an individual-level association between inequality and health; and (c) present research directly examining whether subjective feelings of relative deprivation are associated with self-reported physical and mental health at the individual level.
Substantial epidemiological evidence indicates that aggregate-level income inequality (i.e., income inequality measured at the society, nation, state/province, and community/census tract levels) affects diverse health outcomes (reviewed in Subramanian and Kawachi, 2004, Pickett and Wilkinson, 2015, Wilkinson and Pickett, 2006, Wilkinson and Pickett, 2007, Wilkinson and Pickett, 2009). Income inequality has been linked with increased obesity, mental illness, and general mortality, as well as decreased cardiovascular health and life expectancy, among other negative physical and mental health outcomes (e.g., Crepaz and Crepaz, 2004, Khan et al., 1998, Pickett and Wilkinson, 2010; reviewed in Pickett and Wilkinson, 2015, Wilkinson and Pickett, 2006, Wilkinson and Pickett, 2007, Wilkinson and Pickett, 2009). These effects have been demonstrated even when controlling for individual-level socioeconomic status and such aggregate economic measures as gross domestic product (e.g., Kawachi et al., 1997, Kennedy et al., 1998, Kawachi et al., 2002, Wilkinson, 1996; reviewed in Pickett and Wilkinson, 2015, Wilkinson and Pickett, 2009). A recent review by Pickett and Wilkinson (2015) provides evidence that the aggregate-level income inequality/health relationship meets all major criteria for causality (i.e., temporal precedence, non-spuriousness, covariation, and biological plausibility). Together, the extant evidence clearly indicates that income inequality has an important influence on physical and mental health.
The relative deprivation hypothesis (also known as the relative income hypothesis or the income inequality hypothesis) offers an explanation of the individual-level mechanisms underlying the relationship between inequality and negative outcomes at the aggregate level (e.g., Adjaye-Gbewonyo and Kawachi, 2012, Subramanian and Kawachi, 2004, Wilkinson, 1996, Wilkinson and Pickett, 2006, Wilkinson and Pickett, 2007, Wilkinson and Pickett, 2009). This hypothesis states that inequality manifests through various forms of socioeconomic comparison (especially income inequality). These various forms of socioeconomic comparison in turn undermine social cohesion, social capital, trust, and well-being more generally, eventually leading to negative psychosocial and physical outcomes (Walker and Smith, 2001, Wilkinson, 1996).
Substantial research evidence suggests that relative deprivation, as defined by individual-level socioeconomic comparison, is associated with poorer health (reviewed in Adjaye-Gbewonyo and Kawachi, 2012, Smith et al., 2012). In these studies, relative deprivation is almost always quantified through a relative statistical comparison of an individual's objective outcomes, experiences, or socioeconomic status relative to those in the population who score higher on such measures (using such indices as the Yitzhaki Index; Yitzhaki, 1979). That is, these studies involve the computation of an objective level of relative deprivation for each individual in a given sample relative to more privileged others (e.g., Eibner and Evans, 2005, Lhila and Simon, 2010). These indices of individual-level objective relative deprivation have been associated with poorer health outcomes in a number of domains, including increased mortality (Eames et al., 1993, McLoone and Boddy, 1994), suicide (McLoone, 1996), heart disease (Lawlor et al., 2005), and poorer mental health (Eibner et al., 2004, Walters et al., 2004; reviewed in Adjaye-Gbewonyo and Kawachi, 2012, Smith et al., 2012). However, no studies, to our knowledge, have examined whether the individual-level subjective experience of relative deprivation is associated with poorer physical and mental health.
Relative deprivation must necessarily manifest at the psychological level in order to influence individual level outcomes (Smith and Huo, 2014, Smith et al., 2012). Psychological relative deprivation describes subjective feelings of resentment, dissatisfaction, and anger associated with perceived deprivation of a deserved outcome relative to other persons (Bernstein and Crosby, 1980; Runciman, 1966; Smith and Huo, 2014). Surprisingly, very little research has examined whether directly measured whether subjective feelings of psychological relative deprivation are associated with health outcomes. Some individual-level studies have examined relationships between health outcomes and such non-subjective inputs as relative social status (e.g., Adler et al., 2000). Although variables like relative social status probably represent important inputs into subjective feelings of personal relative deprivation, they remain both non-subjective and domain-specific. None of the available research presents a direct test of the hypothesis that subjective personal feelings of relative deprivation are linked with individual-level physical and mental health.
The present research examined whether subjective feelings of personal relative deprivation are associated with poorer individual-level health. This research extends previous results in three important ways by: (1) directly measuring whether subjective feelings of personal relative deprivation are associated with physical and mental health in a diverse community sample, (2) using a general, non-domain specific psychological measure to assess individual differences in feelings of personal relative deprivation, and (3) examining whether individual differences in feelings of personal relative deprivation account for variance in physical and mental health above and beyond other variables that have been commonly associated with socioeconomic relative deprivation and health. We predicted that subjective feelings of personal relative deprivation would be significantly associated with self-reported physical and mental health, and would account for variance above and beyond other variables that have been previously associated with socioeconomic relative deprivation.
Section snippets
Methods
A total of 328 participants (160 men, 165 women, 3 unreported sex; age: M = 31.0, SD = 12.5, Range: 18 to 73) were recruited from Lethbridge, Alberta, using posters in the general community, the local university and college, homeless shelters, local employment offices, food banks, and the John Howard Society (a non-profit organization dedicated to re-integrating former prisoners into general society). Participants were recruited from these diverse sources in order to maximize variance in
Results
Missing values were observed for age (n = 2), sex (n = 3), education level (n = 4), number of children (n = 4), unemployment (n = 1), personal earnings in the last year (n = 9), household earnings in the last year (n = 12), parental divorce (n = 2); social support (n = 1), absolute physical health (n = 1), and mental health as measured by the MHI-5 (n = 1). Because missing values did not comprise more than five percent of values for any variable, no imputation method was utilized, and cases
Discussion
The current results demonstrate that subjective feelings of personal relative deprivation measured are associated with poorer self-reported physical and mental health at the individual level. The relationships between subjective relative deprivation and physical and mental health remained significant even when controlling for covariates that have been previously associated with both relative deprivation and health. Together, our results suggest that subjective psychological feelings of personal
Acknowledgments
This research was supported by a research grants and fellowships to SM from the Ontario Problem Gambling Research Centre (grant number 2707) and the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (grant number 430137). The authors would like to thank Thomas Fox, Sara Kafashan, Lindsay Kleiner, Christine Mishra, and Alix Shriner for the help with data collection.
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