Process and dynamics of traditional selling wild edible mushrooms in tropical Mexico

En México más de 12 étnias habitantes de zonas templadas han mostrado una tendencia micofílica y un profundo conocimiento micológico tradicional. Sin embargo los habitantes de zonas tropicales han sido estudiados insuficientemente. En el presente trabajo reportamos los resultados de una investigación etnomicológica en mercados de una amplia zona del trópico mexicano. Los objetivos del estudio fueron: describir las dinámicas relacionadas con la venta de hongos silvestres, así como, indagar cuál es la tendencia de los pobladores hacia los hongos (micofilia vs. micofobia). Visitamos 25 mercados en 12 poblaciones de 3 estados (Oaxaca, Tabasco y Veracruz). Llevamos a cabo observación participante y aplicamos 291 entrevistas no estructuradas y semiestructuradas. La venta de hongos se observó en cuatro poblaciones del estado de Oaxaca y en dos de Tabasco. El 81.82% de los vendedores de hongos fueron mujeres y el 68.18% indígenas (Chinantecos, Chontales, Ch'oles y Zoques). La venta de hongos sólo se observó en mercados secundarios de tipo "tianguis" y sólo en puestos campesinos. Los recolectores de hongos extraen el recurso principalmente de zonas con vegetación secundaria, cultivos y potreros. Por restricción de acceso a la tierra los vendedores no son quienes recolectan los hongos. En Oaxaca, se observaron dinámicas económicas distintas a las capitalistas como intercambio, reciprocidad y trueque. La comercialización de algunas especies de hongos comestibles silvestres, los grandes volúmenes de venta de S. commune, los complejos procesos de intermediarios, así como la inserción de los hongos en dinámicas económicas informales son evidencias de la micofilia existente en un sector de la población de esta región tropical de México. Entre nuestros informantes, los mestizos urbanos fueron micófobos, los mestizos rurales fueron no micófilos y los indígenas fueron micófilos.

Tropical Ethnomycology has been studied scarcely in the field of Ethnobiology. Perhaps because of the persistent belief that tropical mushrooms are unused and that lowland Mesoamerican and Amazonian people are mycophobic (people that demonstrate aversion towards mushrooms) [c.f. [1, 2]] or non-mycophilic (people with any special interest in mushrooms, not attraction neither repulsion) [3, 4]. However, recent research in the tropics [5‐10] shows that this judgment is based on insufficient and skewed information. It is a fact that fungal resources are different in temperate areas than in the tropics, where fleshy mushrooms susceptible of consumption are scarce [5]. Nevertheless, mycophily [sensu [11]] points the attitude toward mushrooms, not only on the number of species known, but also on the sympathy and whim to them. Additionally, Goes-Neto & Bandeira [4] define that mycophilic people are those which demonstrate special interest towards fungi, such as an important food or cultural activity item.

Numerous studies have reported mushroom consumption by ethnic groups of several tropical areas. Examples in Africa include: Burundi [12], Cameroon [5], Nigeria [13], Tanzania [14], Zambia [15] and Zaire [16]. In Asia: China [17, 18], India [19], Malaysia [6], Papua New Guinea [20] and Thailand [21]. In America: Brazil [1, 22], El Salvador [2], Guatemala [23], Mexico [24, 7] and Venezuela [8]. Given this evidence, it is inadequate to generalize about the mycophoby or non-mycophily of inhabitants of tropical areas.

From 1964 to 1999, only four papers appeared in Abstracts of Mycology that included data on Ethnomycology in tropical markets, namely Mata [25], Singh and Kumar [26], Jones and Whalley [27] and Moreno-Black et al. [28]. Sommerkamp [23] also undertook a study about edible mushrooms in markets of Guatemala where five of 22 studied markets were in tropical areas. She found that out of the 22 mushrooms being sold in total, only four species were sold in tropical markets: Agaricus campestris, Pseudofistulina radicata, Favolus brasilensis (Favolus tenuiculus) and Schizophyllum commune.

Mexico is the 6^th country in the world with the largest number of ethnic groups. This cultural diversity includes 62 ethnic groups [29] speaking 290 dialect variants and representing 13% of the total population [30]. Mushroom consumption is a widespread tradition within these groups that can be traced back to pre-Hispanic times. This is evidenced by the Mayan mushroom-stones from the period of 1000-200 b.C. as well as by mushroom representations in codexes as Vindobonensis, Magliabechi, Florentino and Indigena N° 27. All this supports a clear mycophilic attitude amongst Mesoamerican inhabitants. However, even though the tropics are home to 32% of Mexican ethnic groups and most of its biodiversity, ethnomycological studies are scarce [31]. Mata [25] reported folk taxonomy and nomenclature, morphology and phenology of mushrooms used by Yucatan Mayas. He also described the medicinal use of Thelephora paraguayensis and Geastrum triplex. Chacón [24] found that Schizophyllum commune is the most appreciated mushroom in some areas of Veracruz. In his study he also reported as edibles: Auricularia fuscosuccinea, A. mesenterica, Armillaria tabescens, Cookeina sulcipes, C. tricholoma, Hohenbuehelia petaloides, Pleurotus ostreatus, Panus crinitus, Schizophyllum commune, S. fasciatum and Ustilago maydis.

The lack of ethnomycological data in most of the Mexican tropics has lead to an uncertainty of its inhabitants as being mycophilic or mycophobic, as well as a lack of knowledge in patterns of mushroom consumption and use.

In Ruan-Soto, et al. [7] we proved that studying markets can be a useful tool when evaluating traditional mycological knowledge (TMK) in a wide and previously unstudied area. We also described the extent of the body of TMK ("corpos" sensu [32]) that sellers of wild edibles have in the south Mexican Gulf coastal plain. The most important conclusions we reached in that paper were: i) Mestizos from urban settlements do not normally consume wild mushrooms, mestizos from rural areas consume few wild mushrooms, and indigenous people have a wide TMK and they use and exploit this natural resource the most. ii) Mushroom species with a corky or rubbery consistency, particularly S. commune, have high cultural and economic importance. iii) People in the area believe that all terricolous-humicolous mushrooms are toxic. iv) Mushroom gathering takes place in corn fields, secondary vegetation and cattle fields and not in areas where conserved vegetation is present.

The aims of the present work were: i) To describe the practice and dynamics ("praxis" sensu [32]) surrounding the wild mushroom selling process. ii) To analyze these dynamics from an Economic Anthropology standpoint, and iii) To inquire if informants are mycophilic, non-mycophilic or mycophobic through the understanding of their attitude toward the mushrooms.

We found that Schizophyllum commune was sold in four markets of Oaxaca and two markets of Tabasco; Polyporus tenuiculus was sold in two markets of Oaxaca; and local consumption of Auricularia polytricha, A. delicata and Pleurotus djamor was present mainly in Tabasco (Figure 2). Table 4 shows where mushrooms were sold and used. The two Auricularia species were also used as toys in Tabasco. Children make a small hole in one of the mushroom's membranes and blow inside it to form a little balloon. All species were saprophytic, developed on lignicolous substrates and had a gristly, rubbery or corky consistence. Van Dijk et al. [5] explain the preference for species with a resistant and gristly consistence, which are also found within the inhabitants of the Cameroon rain forest, by the high humidity and temperature conditions of the jungle. Under these conditions, the fruit bodies of etcomycorrizic mushrooms (which are generally fleshier) rot quicker, rendering their transportation, consumption or selling as a much more complicated event.

In the studied area, just S. commune and P. tenuiculus were sold, and the main contrast with other fleshy species of temperate zones is their rubbery consistence.

Mushroom selling happened only in mobile markets and just in peasant stands. Mushroom sellers were mainly women and a considerable amount were indigenous. All they were inhabitants of rural areas. Mushroom sellers did not gather mushrooms themselves because gathering was always restricted by land tenure. It was done mainly in corn fields, cattle fields and secondary vegetation. Gathering was a secondary activity where any family member could participate.

Mushroom sale obviously had a profit-oriented sense. However, among Chinantecs practices such as exchange, reciprocity and barter were common.

There are clear differences among inhabitants of temperate areas and tropical areas concerning their traditional mycological knowledge and practices, as different authors have postulated [4]. However, the sale of these products, the large amounts of commercialization of S. commune, the complicated intermediary process, as well as the insertion of mushrooms into different informal economic practices are all evidence of an existent mycophily in a sector of the population of this region of the Mexican tropics. Within our sample, urban mestizo people were mycophobic, rural mestizo people were non-mycophilic and indigenous people were mycophilic.