Background
As the international development community shifts its focus from the Millennium Development Goals to the Sustainable Development Goals, universal access to maternal and reproductive health services remains critical to the global strategy for poverty and inequality reduction [
1,
2]. Many low- and middle-income country governments have rolled out strategies to increase supply of and demand for public sector family planning and childbirth services [
3‐
8]. However, some argue that reliance on the public sector alone to expand access to health services is impractical and that harnessing the contribution of private, non-government actors is the key to achieving universal healthcare coverage in low- and middle-income settings [
9‐
11]. Proponents of publicly-financed health services, on the other hand, argue that encouraging growth of the private health sector is likely to exacerbate inequalities in access to care by making services financially unattainable for the poor [
9,
12,
13].
Understanding non-government actors’ current contribution to health service provision is critical for determining if, how, and in which contexts to engage the private sector. While many studies have attempted to quantify the contribution of the private sector in low- and middle-income country (LMIC) contexts, there has been relatively little discussion of the philosophical and methodological considerations of doing so. One major challenge is defining what constitutes the “public” and “private” sectors. While sector is often defined in terms of the ownership or management of a health facility and dichotomized as public versus private, past research on health systems in LMICs has acknowledged that formalized partnerships between government-owned and non-government entities, government financing of private providers, and the practice of providers offering services in both government and privately-operated facilities have resulted in challenges in distinguishing the two sectors [
14,
15]. Additionally, researchers of organizational theory argue that this public-private dichotomy does not adequately capture the range of factors that determine the degree to which a health facility or organization is publicly-oriented, and that health organizations should, instead, be conceptualized along a multi-dimensional continuum including ownership, financing, and mission. [
16,
17]. These more nuanced definitions of sector, however, require details about health providers that are often not available or infeasible to collect in population-level assessments of the use of providers in different sectors.
Using an ownership-based definition of sector, private providers are believed to provide a substantial portion of maternal and reproductive health services in low- and middle-income countries; however, estimates of their role seem to vary considerably between studies and contexts [
18,
19]. For instance, one recent study using Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) data reported that 38% of modern family planning users and in sub-Saharan Africa sought care in the private sector, while another recent study, also using DHS data, estimated this figure at 28% [
20,
21]. Though some of the variation between the two estimates is due to different countries being included in the analyses, inconsistencies in how these percentages were calculated also had an effect.
Differences in measurement approaches increase the likelihood of researchers over- or underestimating the role of the private sector in provision of family planning and childbirth services. Using research from sub-Saharan Africa, this review has two main objectives: (1) to systematically compare and critique quantitative measures of private sector family planning and childbirth service use and (2) to descriptively synthesize evidence of the contribution of the private sector family planning and childbirth service use in the region. Further, by examining both an outpatient service largely requiring low- to mid-level clinical skills (family planning) and an inpatient service requiring mid- to high-level clinical skills (childbirth care), this study will highlight how the identified methodological approaches affect private sector use estimates for services delivered through different channels of the health system.
Discussion
We identified 53 papers that estimated use of private sector family planning and childbirth services in sub-Saharan Africa. Consistent with beliefs about the private sector’s role in the delivery of healthcare in low- and middle-income countries more generally, our findings suggest that in many African nations, the private sector provides a substantial proportion of both family planning and childbirth services among service users [
18,
19]. However, among women in need of these services, private sector coverage is comparatively low. Further, these results suggest that the private sector provided more family planning services than childbirth care in the region. This is due to the less specialized nature of certain family planning methods such as condoms, which allow for provision of services by lower-skilled drug sellers and commercial shops. Although the included studies provided estimates for a majority of countries in the region, it is important to acknowledge that some countries were not studied or have estimates that are outdated or not representative at the national level.
More revealing, however, are our findings on the lack of consistency with which researchers defined the private sector and measured its use. While there is clear heterogeneity between countries in the actual role of the private sector, methodological differences also have the potential to greatly affect estimates of private sector participation. It is therefore important to understand the strengths and weaknesses of each analytical approach when interpreting findings.
When it comes to defining the private sector, a more inclusive definition naturally yields a higher estimate. The extent to which including or excluding certain segments of the private sector biases an outcome depends both on context and the service being examined. For instance, while private non-medical providers can conceivably provide a number of modern family planning methods such as condoms or pills, appropriate delivery care should, according to World Health Organization recommendations, occur with a skilled health provider, namely a midwife or doctor [
75]. Thus, only examining private medical provision of services is likely to present an incomplete picture of the role of the private sector in delivering family planning services, but a more accurate picture for appropriate childbirth care. As has been noted elsewhere, non-profit and faith-based services are often provided in collaboration with governments and therefore may be difficult to distinguish from public sector care, particularly when relying on women providing self-recall survey data [
14,
15,
76‐
78]. Estimates of all private sector and private non-profit sector service provision are therefore likely to underestimate their true contributions.
Selecting which population to study also requires careful consideration. Examining use of the private sector within a broader population tends to yield lower estimates compared to use among a more narrowly defined population group. As a result, coverage estimates are always equal to or less than market share. In contexts where use of a service is universal or very high within a population, coverage will be equal or similar to, but lower than, market share. In contexts where use of a service is moderate or low, coverage will be much lower than market share.
Because private sector coverage is bounded by total use of a service, comparing private sector coverage estimates between countries with very different levels of total use is challenging. For example, a country (A) with very high use of family planning services, but very low use of the private sector among users, might have the same absolute private sector coverage as a country (B) with low use of family planning services, but very high use of the private sector among users. In such a case, examining coverage alone would lead to the conclusion that the private sector plays a similar role in service provision in each country; however, looking at market share would reveal very different dynamics at play. Similarly, looking at market share alone might lead one to conclude that the private sector serves a greater proportion of the population in country B than in country A, whereas coverage estimates would indicate that the share of total need satisfied by the private sector is similar in both countries.
Population selection also has important implications on estimates within the categories of coverage and market share. Researchers frequently measure private sector family planning coverage as the use of modern contraception from a private sector source among women married or in union, and less frequently among all women in need of contraception. To estimate the latter requires including women who are sexually active but not in union, and excluding women not in need of contraception because they are pregnant or because they wish to have more children in the near future. For secondary analysis of survey data with limited information on fertility preferences and need for contraception, examining use of private sector services among married women might be a reasonable approach. However, this will certainly underestimate private sector coverage given that some proportion of the married population desire to become pregnant and are therefore not in need of contraception. The papers included in this review have also looked at market share among all current users of modern contraception and current users who are married or in union only. Given that service use by married women might not represent the population of women in need, it is preferable to look at source of care for all current users, unless the purpose of the analysis is to compare the experiences of married women to the general population or to unmarried women.
Among papers that looked at private sector family planning market share among all users of modern contraception, regardless of marital status, some limited analysis to women who received care in the private or public sectors. Excluding women who received care from a source whose sector could not be classified from the population under study leads to slightly higher estimates of private sector market share; the extent of overestimation depends on the size of the “unknown sector”.
Another consideration when estimating private sector family planning market share is whether to examine source of care when a woman most recently received her current method or when she first received the method. While most papers in this review examined most recent source, it might also be important to understand where women went to start and whether they switch the source of their current family planning method.
For private sector childbirth care coverage estimates, researchers generally used a birth-based approach, looking at use of private sector childbirth services among all births that occurred during a given period, or a woman-based approach, examining source of care for a woman’s most recent birth. Analyzing all births allows for a larger sample size and better represents births that occurred within a given period among women with both short and long birth intervals. Analyzing private sector childbirth care use among most recent births only, on the other hand, will over-represent births to women with longer birth intervals. As women with short birth intervals are often less likely to deliver in a facility or have a skilled attendant at birth [
79,
80], private sector coverage among all births is likely to be lower than among coverage for most recent births only. Nevertheless, estimates using all births and those using the most recent birth appear similar; suggesting neither approach greatly affects the conclusions about source of care.
Some studies that examined private sector market share for childbirth services specifically looked at the use of the private sector among women who received appropriate delivery care, defined as either by a skilled birth attendant or in a health facility. Estimating the market share among facility births only excludes provision of care at home or in another non-facility setting by a private medical provider, and therefore may underestimate private sector market share for childbirth services. However, in contexts where home deliveries with a skilled birth attendant are rare, looking exclusively at facility births is unlikely to greatly affect private sector childbirth service market share estimates. As with family planning market share, focusing solely on use of the private sector among users of childbirth services from providers with a classifiable sector generated a slightly greater estimated private sector childbirth care market share compared to analysis of use among all users of appropriate childbirth services.
Although missing data on need for services and source of care has the potential to impact estimates of private sector provision of family planning and childbirth services, relatively few papers in this review discussed the extent or treatment of missing data. To ensure that findings can be clearly interpreted, it is important for researchers to acknowledge and describe the effects of missing information on their outcomes.
On a more practical level, data collection methods also influence the type of private sector use outcome that can be estimated. As private sector coverage requires information on the number of women in need who do not seek care, it can only be measured through population surveys. Facility records can be used to estimate private sector market share among facility births if private sector facilities report births, and this would approximate private sector market share for childbirth services in settings where home births with skilled attendants are uncommon. If health facility records are accurate and women tend to seek care within their catchment area, this may be more cost effective than population surveys for estimating private sector childbirth service market share for a given geographic region. Considering the wide range of private sector medical and non-medical outlets through which modern methods of family planning can be accessed, it would be much more difficult to ascertain private sector family planning market share through facility records.