Background
Over the past decade there has been an increase in use of smartphones among children and young people (CYP) [
1,
2] which has occurred at the same time as a rise in common mental disorders in the same age group, including reported depressive symptoms, poor sleep and suicide ideation [
3‐
5] with grave implications for life-long mental health [
6,
7] and the healthcare economy [
8].
Smartphones became widely available in 2011, since then usage has increased. Smartphone ownership in children aged 11 and older is ubiquitous, and the prevalence of mental health problems peaks during the teenager years [
2]. There is a public health uncertainty regarding a possible association between smartphone use and mental health in CYP, and in the UK, policy making has been hindered by a paucity of evidence. Explicitly the debate in the literature has concerned the relationship between amount of screen time, or amount of smartphone use, in CYP and clinically defined, mental health outcomes, with some studies reporting no association and others exhibiting a clear association [
9,
10]. One challenge is the date when the studies were carried out, often before the advent of widespread smartphone use, meaning the term screen-time may include televisions or personal computers, although it has a more common interpretation as a smartphone today [
11]. Other limitations include that longer use is assumed as harmful, and this may not necessarily be accurate.
One possibility of the conflicted findings may be that it is not smartphone use per se that is associated with poor mental health, but particular patterns of smartphone-related behaviour. Both the mainstream media and researchers have raised the possibility that people can become addicted to smartphone use, though in the academic realm, this is controversial [
12]. Nonetheless, recent years have seen an explosion in research considering the prevalence of problematic smartphone use (PSU), which has been operationalised in such a way that it maps onto concepts of behavioural addiction: tolerance, withdrawal (dysphoria when the battery dies), preoccupation, neglect of other activities, subjective loss of control and continued use despite evidence of harm [
13‐
18]. Other behavioural addictions, such as problem gambling, show robust associations with common mental disorders such as depression [
19],where sporadic gambling does not. If a distinctive problematic pattern of smartphone use can be demonstrated to be prevalent, and if this pattern of use is associated with harm, there is value in identifying children and young people with this pattern of use and potentially addressing it clinically. Given the large increase in research studies using tools to estimate the prevalence of PSU (and examine mental health associations), it is now appropriate to evaluate the evidence.
Objectives
Despite concerns about the impact of smartphones on the mental health and wellbeing of CYP, we are unsure of the prevalence of PSU amongst this cohort, and causal associations between PSU and poor mental health have yet to be established. We therefore undertook a systematic review and GRADE of the evidence with the primary aim of characterising the prevalence of PSU amongst CYP, with smartphones as the exposure, and PSU as the outcome. We also undertook a meta-analysis with the secondary objectives of: assessing sociodemographic characteristics associated with PSU; quantifying the impact of PSU on: mental health outcomes; sleep; and school performance. Mental health outcomes assessed included any reported measure of depression or anxiety (diagnosis or screening questionnaire), and perceived stress; sleep quality. In addition, school performance was included as a measure of functional impairment in this population.
Discussion
This is the first systematic review, meta-analysis and GRADE to investigate the prevalence of PSU amongst CYP. The prevalence of PSU amongst CYP was found to be between 10 and 30%, indicating that it is a widespread problem. Females in the 17 to 19-year-old age group were most likely to exhibit PSU. Furthermore, PSU was consistently associated with depression, self-reported anxiety, maintenance insomnia, increased perceived stress, and poor educational attainment. Overall, those with PSU had an increased risk of poor mental health, wellbeing and day-to-day functioning.
Context of current literature
PSU shares many traits with substance abuse disorders and behavioural addictions [
13‐
18], and it appears to be common. This is unsurprising considering that those at risk of PSU have similar traits to those at risk of other addictions. Like alcohol, smartphone use is socially acceptable and widely available. In addition, smartphones are seen to facilitate work and education, as well as leisure. PSU therefore poses a different and arguably much bigger public health problem than substances of abuse or even Internet gaming. The pathogenesis of PSU is poorly understood and likely complex [
45,
68,
69]. Some have suggested that the continued interconnectedness and anticipation of response plays a role [
23].
The incidence of mental health conditions amongst CYP has increased substantially over the last ten years, representing a significant burden on healthcare systems worldwide [
6,
8,
70,
71]. The reason for this increase in incidence is unknown, but has been most notable amongst adolescent females, the same cohort shown to be most at risk of PSU in our review [
5]. This has parallels between the 68% increase in self harm rates in the UK since 2011, at the same time as the widespread introduction of smartphones [
72]. Studies have previously suggested that PSU may at least partly underlie this epidemiological shift. Given the frequency of PSU amongst CYP and its significant association with symptoms of common mental disorders, as highlighted by our review, this relationship and consideration of PSU as a potential causative factor requires urgent further exploration.
Strengths and limitations
This work is strengthened by the inclusion of studies from wide geographical regions that reported consistent and plausible findings. However, given the nature of the review question, studies were non-randomised and at a high risk of bias. Weaknesses of implementation include varying definitions and thresholds for PSU, some of which were incompletely described. Mental health outcomes were all responses to self-report questionnaires rather than formal diagnoses, suicidal acts or referral to secondary child and adolescent mental health service care, raising the possibility that these are sub-threshold symptoms. Furthermore, reverse causality cannot be excluded as rationale for the associations found.
Implications for policy, practice and research
Our review indicates that approximately 1 in 4 CYP are demonstrating problematic smartphone use, a pattern of behaviour that mirrors that of a behavioural addiction. A consistent relationship has been demonstrated between PSU and deleterious mental health symptoms including: depression; anxiety; high levels of perceived stress; and poor sleep. Younger populations are more vulnerable to psychopathological developments, and harmful behaviours and mental health conditions established in childhood can shape the subsequent life course. Further work is urgently needed to develop assessment tools for PSU, and prevent possible long-term widespread harmful impact on this and future generations’ mental health and wellbeing. In particular, longitudinal studies are required to characterize the causality of the relationships found in this study between PSU and mental health. Possible research could include cohort studies looking at changes in experience of psychopathological symptoms in relation to changes in PSU levels, or a randomized controlled trial comparing the impact of smartphone use, for example in terms of duration or time of day, on mental health outcomes. Future studies should assess the impact of PSU on more objectively evaluated health outcomes, such as depression or anxiety disorders as detected by structured diagnostic instruments (eg the DSM-5 criteria), referrals to secondary mental health services, or primary care psychological therapies services, or prescriptions for medications such as antidepressants.
The prevalence of PSU amongst CYP and its association with symptoms of common mental disorders is a growing public health problem and as such, it should be a concern to policy makers. To address PSU amongst CYP, an accepted and validated diagnostic definition is firstly required, to systematically identify those suffering. Healthcare providers should recognise that excessive or night-time use of smartphones may play a role in the aetiology of mental health and wellbeing problems amongst CYP presenting to their practice. Primary prevention of PSU is difficult given that smartphone use is now a societal norm; however, awareness of the risks of PSU amongst CYP, parents, teachers and healthcare providers could help limit exposure. Further research should develop a consensus regarding the most appropriate diagnostic criteria for PSU, and determine risk factors for PSU. Finally, further exploration of the relationship between PSU and diagnosed mental health conditions is urgently needed to clarify the magnitude of any casual contribution of PSU to the growing burden of mental health conditions amongst CYP.
Conclusions
Our review indicates that approximately 1 in 4 CYP are demonstrating problematic smartphone use, a pattern of behaviour that mirrors that of a behavioural addiction. A consistent relationship has been demonstrated between PSU and deleterious mental health symptoms including: depression; anxiety; high levels of perceived stress; and poor sleep. Younger populations are more vulnerable to psychopathological developments, and harmful behaviours and mental health conditions established in childhood can shape the subsequent life course. Further work is urgently needed to develop assessment tools for PSU, and prevent possible long-term widespread harmful impact on this and future generations’ mental health and wellbeing.
Acknowledgements
Not applicable.
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