According to coping theory (Lazarus & Folkman,
1984), individuals address life stressors proactively by seeking meaning and significance in their lives. Many individuals employ a method of turning to their religion when confronted with challenging life circumstances (Rambo,
1993), and ongoing research has uncovered significant links between religion and mental health (Abu-Raiya & Pargament,
2014). For instance, Bradshaw et al. (
2010) discovered that a perceived secure attachment to God is linked with enhanced abilities to cope with distress, while Ellison et al. (
2014) reported that individuals exhibiting higher levels of religious commitment experience greater mental health benefits.
Initial investigations into religious coping concentrated on assessing the impact of religion by gauging correlations between intensity of religious convictions or the frequency of church attendance, and distress levels (Ano & Vasconcelles,
2005). However, this perspective is deemed an oversimplification of the concept of religion and its multifaceted role in individuals’ coping mechanisms for navigating stressful life events (Pargament et al.,
1998). To develop our understanding of the role of religion as a coping strategy, it is important to assess how an individual uses religion to understand and to deal with stressors (Pargament et al.,
2000,
2013).
A critique directed against prior methodologies in the measurement of religious coping is their failure to attain a comprehensive understanding of the nuanced ways in which religiosity and prayer serve as mechanisms for coping. For example, merely quantifying the frequency of prayer, overlooks the underlying motivations behind prayer and its functional role (Pargament et al.,
2011). Furthering our understanding of religious coping was the basis for Pargament’s (
1997) decision to develop a measure of religious coping; attempting to provide a theoretical framework from which to understand religious issues and to incorporate them into assessment and intervention (Pargament et al.,
2000).
Theory of Religious Coping
Pargament (
1997) defined religious coping as “efforts to understand and deal with life stressors in ways related to the sacred” (Pargament et al.,
2011, p. 52). In his theory of religious coping, he made a number of assumptions as to how religion is used to understand and cope with negative life events (Pargament & Raiya,
2007): (1) Religious coping is multi-functional, including searching for meaning, intimacy with others, comfort, control, and life transformation; (2) Religious coping involves individuals employing emotions, relationships, cognition and behaviour; (3) Religious coping changes over time and situation, in that ways in which people use religion to cope can vary depending on the context of the life event; (4) Religious coping differs from other coping strategies as it involves the addition of the ‘sacred’; (5) Religious coping can include both adaptive and maladaptive strategies (Mohammadzadeh & Najafi,
2016).
Pargament’s (
1997) theory of religious coping was used to guide the development of a measure of religious coping, called the Religious Coping Scale (RCOPE), the aim of which was to identify the religious coping methods that people employ when dealing with major life stressors. It has since been adapted to offer a shorter version for use in clinical and research settings.
Overview of the Religious Coping Scale (RCOPE)
When developing items for the RCOPE, Pargament (
1997) used existing religious coping scales and empirical studies to help in this task. Previous clinical experience was also drawn upon, as well as interviews with people who were relying on their religiosity to cope with a variety of major life stressors. Twenty-one subscales were identified with approximately eight items of specific religious coping strategies per subscale, which encompass emotion-focused and problem-focused approaches; passive, active, and interactive strategies; and spiritual, interpersonal, behavioural, and cognitive domains (Pargament et al.,
2013). Ten raters (psychology graduates) were then asked to sort scale items into appropriate subscales, and those that were not reliably classified by 80% of the raters were then discarded. The remaining items displayed almost 100% agreement in classification among the raters. This resulted in the final version of the RCOPE consisting of 105 items: five items for each of the 21 subscales.
The final RCOPE is considered to be a multi-functional instrument which reflects the five religious functions as defined by Pargament (
1997) in his theory of religious coping (i.e., meaning, intimacy, control, comfort, and life transformation; Pargament et al.,
2000). It also reflects the search for spirituality (Pargament et al.,
2011). The RCOPE is also considered to be multi-modal, in that items on the scale were selected to represent how people employ their religious coping methods emotionally, relationally, behavioural, and cognitively (Pargament et al.,
2000).
It is also multi-valent in nature, with the understanding that coping strategies can be adaptive or maladaptive in dealing with stressful situations (Pargament et al.,
2000). As such, items on the RCOPE were selected to reflect both positive and negative religious coping methods. The RCOPE has demonstrated efficacy as a predictive instrument for both psychological and physical adaptation to life stressors; exhibiting superiority over alternative religiosity assessment measures (Pargament et al.,
2011).
Overview of the Brief Religious Coping Scale (Brief RCOPE)
Although the 105-item RCOPE is esteemed for its psychometric merit, its length presents practical challenges for implementation within clinical contexts, particularly where individuals undergoing assessment are expected to complete a comprehensive battery of psychometric evaluations (Fairfax,
2017). The length has resulted in the RCOPE not being used extensively and, as such, findings related to the tool’s effectiveness are limited (Pargament et al.,
2011). The Brief RCOPE was developed to address the issue of length (Pargament et al.,
1998). It is the most used measure of religious coping and has the potential to be used in both clinical and research settings (Mohammadzadeh & Najafi,
2016).
The development of the Brief RCOPE began at the same time as the full 105-item version, with an abbreviated 21-item scale being tested with a sample of participants who lived near Oklahoma City, following a bomb explosion in 1995. Within the 21-item scale, an exploratory factor analysis revealed two factors which accounted for approximately 33% of the variance; positive and negative coping (Pargament et al.,
2011). The authors then began development of a 14-item version of the RCOPE, due to the promising findings.
Based on the two factors identified from the factor analysis, positive and negative religious coping scales (PRC and NRC respectively) were developed using a selection of items from each subset of the RCOPE. The selected items were those that demonstrated large factor loading, and those which contributed to a representation of a variety of coping methods (Pargament et al.,
2011). The final version of the Brief RCOPE was therefore divided into two subscales: PRC and NRC methods, each consisting of seven items (Pargament et al.,
2011). Table
1, taken from Pargament et al.’s (
2011) paper (p. 57), provides an overview of the items in the two scales.
Table 1
The brief RCOPE: positive and negative coping subscale items
Item No | Positive religious coping subscale items |
1 | Looked for a stronger connection with God |
2 | Sought God’s love and care |
3 | Sought help from God in letting go of my anger |
4 | Tried to put my plans into action together with God |
5 | Tried to see how God might be trying to strengthen me in this situation |
6 | Asked for forgiveness for my sins |
7 | Focused on religion to stop worrying about my problems |
| Negative religious coping subscale items |
8 | Wondered whether God had abandoned me |
9 | Felt punished by God for my lack of devotion |
10 | Wondered what I did for God to punish me |
11 | Questioned God’s love for me |
12 | Wondered whether my church had abandoned me |
13 | Decided the devil made this happen |
14 | Questioned the power of God |
Positive religious coping (PRC) strategies include holding a belief in a loving God and believing that difficult situations are opportunities for growth which are sent by God (O’Brien et al.,
2019). Individuals who adopt PRC strategies tend to possess a deep sense of spiritual connection with others, have a belief that there is meaning to be found in life, and adopt a compassionate view of the world (Pargament et al.,
1998). Positive religious coping strategies have been found to predict increases in positive affect and self-esteem and decreases in depressive symptoms in a sample of 937 African Americans (Park et al.,
2018). They have also been found to improve the quality of life of patients with advanced cancer (Tarakeshwar et al.,
2006), as well as resulting in a greater sense of meaning in life and less loneliness for adults in Turkey during the Coronavirus disease (COVID-19) crisis (Yıldırım et al.,
2021).
Negative religious coping (NRC) strategies refer to ways of dealing with stress that involve difficulties in one’s relationship with God (Pargament et al.,
2013). Individuals who adopt NRC strategies tend to experience spiritual tension, instability with others, demonic reappraisals and a fragile view of the universe (Voytenko et al.,
2023). This style of coping is assumed to be defined by self-directed religious coping, reappraisals of God’s powers, punitive religious reappraisals, and interpersonal religious disconnect (Pargament et al.,
1998).
In the literature, NRC strategies are often referred to as religious struggles, reflecting the struggle in the relationship with God, oneself and with other people (O’ Brien et al.,
2019). Negative religious coping has been found to predict: worse overall mental health and life satisfaction in women with breast cancer (Hebert et al.,
2009); greater anxiety, worry, and depression on older minority adults (O’Brien et al.,
2019); and greater levels of depression and anxiety in Alzheimer caregivers (Gonyea & O’Donnell,
2021). Despite these findings, Pargament (
2011) recognised that PRC methods may not always be adaptive, and that NRC methods may not always be maladaptive.
In general, it has been found that people tend to use PRC rather than NRC when dealing with life stressors (Ahles et al.,
2016; Hebert et al.,
2009; Pargament et al.,
1998). A meta-analysis conducted by Ano and Vasconcelles (
2005) found that PRC strategies are significantly associated with positive outcomes following stress and fewer experiences of distress, anxiety, and depression. Their findings also suggest that individuals who adopt NRC strategies experienced more distress, anxiety, and depression. Negative religious coping has also been found to predict an increase in posttraumatic symptoms after stressful events in Chilean adults (García et al.,
2017) and in individuals who experienced Hurricane Katrina (Henslee et al.,
2015). These findings suggest that individuals who demonstrate NRC styles may benefit from receiving help to deal with coping with a crisis (Pargament et al.,
1998).
During development, the psychometric properties of the Brief RCOPE were considered, and the internal consistency in the sample of Oklahoma City residents dealing with the aftermath of a bomb explosion was considered high, with Cronbach’s coefficient alpha estimates of 0.90 for the PRC scale and 0.81 for the NRC scale (Pargament et al.,
1998).
Following this, the Brief RCOPE scales were used with a hospital sample. Cronbach’s coefficient alpha was estimated at 0.87 for the PRC scale, and 0.69 for the NRC scale, finding them to be internally consistent (Pargament et al.,
1998). It was also found that following dealing with a stressor, PRC methods were linked to participants experiencing fewer psychosomatic symptoms and greater spiritual growth. Conversely, poorer quality of life, psychological distress and symptoms, and greater callousness toward other people were correlated with using NRC methods (Pargament et al.,
2011).
Administration of the Brief RCOPE
Users of the 14-item measure are prompted to score each item on a 4-point Likert scale with response options from 0 “not at all” to 3 “a great deal” (Pargament et al.,
1998). Higher scores on each subscale indicates greater religious coping of that type (Abu-Raiya et al.,
2020). While there is no published manual, guidance provided by Pargament et al. (
2011) state that the RCOPE can be adapted to specify different life stressors or to measure coping of general life events. It is also suggested that while the original measure uses the term “God” due to its theistic nature, this can also be changed to meet the needs of the individual completing the measure. For example, “God” could be replaced with “Allah” or “higher power” etc. to account for other religions.
A psychometric critique of the Brief RCOPE was conducted in 2011 by Pargament et al. which concluded that the measure is reliable and valid (i.e., that it has the ability to consistently reproduce results and that it measures what it is proposed to; de Souza et al.,
2017), with both the PRC scale and the NRC scale demonstrating good internal consistency across a range of samples. Further research has also found good internal consistency for the two scales, including in a sample of Black Americans living with human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) (Lassiter & Poteat,
2020), in undergraduate students misusing prescription stimulants (Gallucci et al.,
2018), and in a sample of young adults who have experienced parental divorce (Milam & Schmidt,
2018).
While these are positive findings, these, and the psychometric properties as reported in Pargament et al.’s (
2011) review, were focused mainly on Christians in the United States. Additionally, the RCOPE has been criticised for relying on Christian ideas and core values (Abu-Raiya & Pargament,
2014), and it is recommended that further research should be undertaken to examine the reliability and validity of the Brief RCOPE in non-Christian faiths and in other regions of the world. While religious coping appears to be a universal phenomenon, the particular methods of expression vary between religions (Abu-Raiya & Pargament,
2014). For example, in times of stress, Buddhists may practice mindfulness and compassion (Phillips et al.,
2012), Muslims may read the Quran to find comfort, and Jews may wait for the Sabbath (Rosmarin et al.,
2009).
Therefore, the aim of this narrative review will be to evaluate the reliability and validity of the Brief RCOPE as applied to cultures and populations outside of the United States. A narrative synthesis of findings of relevant studies is presented below under sub-headings relating to the sub-types of reliability and validity.