Introduction
Psychosocial work factors can be defined as social characteristics of the work environment that interact with individual, psychological factors (Theorell
2007), and are represented in influential work stress models, such as Job Demand-Control (-Support) Model (Johnson and Hall
1988; Karasek
1979), and the Job Demands-Resources model (Demerouti et al.
2001). These psychosocial work factors are associated with work stress, which can result in mental health problems (Netterstrom et al.
2008). Mental health problems in employees account for a substantial part of sickness absence (Henderson et al.
2005). Apart from personal consequences for the employee, this poses a financial burden to both organisations and society at large (Hassard et al.
2014).
Older workers constitute a substantial, and growing part of the total workforce (Ilmarinen
2006). Maintaining a good health status in this occupational group can have a favourable impact on productivity, work ability, and sustainable employment (Leijten et al.
2015). A challenge to maintaining older workers’ good health is exposure to psychosocial work factors (Niedhammer et al.
2013), and a higher prevalence of psychosocial risk factors among older people (Bruce
2002). Shultz and colleagues found that a greater variety of psychosocial factors predicted stress in older workers than in younger workers (Shultz et al.
2010). High psychosocial work stress is associated with elevated depressive symptoms in older workers (Siegrist et al.
2012). Exposure to unfavourable psychosocial work factors is associated with retirement plans and with early retirement in older workers (Thorsen et al.
2012; van den Berg et al.
2010), which puts strain on social security and public welfare (Harper
2014).
The association between unfavourable exposure to psychosocial work factors and mental health outcomes has been assessed in longitudinal organisational stress management evaluation studies, but with relatively short follow-up periods (Westgaard and Winkel
2011). A longer follow-up duration can provide a more comprehensive understanding of the working mechanisms of psychosocial work factors, by allowing for comparison of different exposure patterns that represent changed or stable exposure. Comparing improved exposure to unfavourable exposure can provide insight into potential benefits of actively improving the psychosocial work environment (Boot
2015). Insight into these benefits can motivate employers to try and change detrimental work circumstances, in order to improve the health of their older employees. To assess if improvements made in psychosocial circumstances are sufficient, improved exposure to psychosocial work factors can be compared to stable favourable exposure to psychosocial work factors. If mental health is the same for these two types of exposure, the group with improved exposure resembles the group that reported favourable exposure.
Despite the societal potential, relatively few studies have reported on changes in exposure. Stansfeld and colleagues (Stansfeld et al.
1999) examined the association between improved exposure to psychosocial work factors and risk of psychiatric disorders. They found that, compared to no change, a beneficial change in job demands reduced the risk of psychiatric disorders, and an adverse change increased that risk. Wang and colleagues (Wang et al.
2009) studied improved exposure to psychosocial work factors, and found decreased job strain to be related to a decreased risk of major depression. Finally, de Lange and colleagues (de Lange et al.
2002) found that decreased job strain was associated with higher job satisfaction, but not with improvements in depression and sickness absence. Even though there seems to be a tendency towards improvement of health risks with the decline of unfavourable exposure, findings thus far suggest that more research is needed to enhance our understanding of changed exposure.
In the current study, we assessed the association between improved, stable unfavourable, and stable favourable exposure to psychosocial work factors and changes in mental health in older employees, in a longitudinal research design. The psychosocial work factors studied were psychological demands, autonomy, support, mental load, and distributive justice. The research question of the current study was: is an improved compared to stable unfavourable and stable favourable exposure to psychosocial work factors associated with a change in mental health in older employees after 3 years?
Discussion
Improved exposure to psychosocial work factors (psychological demands, autonomy, support, and distributive justice) was associated with better mental health compared to stable unfavourable exposure to psychosocial work factors in all older workers. Improved autonomy was associated with better mental health in employees aged 55–64 years, compared to stable unfavourable exposure to autonomy. Improved exposure to support was associated with poorer mental health in men, compared to stable unfavourable exposure.
This study moved past the traditional comparison of workers with a high exposure to those with a low exposure and their respective health outcome risks, by taking into account improved exposure (Boot
2015). Looking at improved exposure has an applied advantage, because it shows characteristics of more specific groups that are relevant in a prevention setting. Building on previous research that has generally shown improvements in health risks with the decline of unfavourable exposure to psychosocial work circumstances (de Lange et al.
2002; Stansfeld et al.
1999; Wang et al.
2009), this study provides specific insight into improved exposure to psychosocial work factors and mental health in older workers. This is important, because older workers constitute a substantial part of the workforce.
Changes in exposure to psychosocial work factors and mental health
The finding that psychological demands and mental health are associated is corroborated by several studies, linking high psychological demands at work to a higher risk of mental health problems, such as depression and anxiety (Plaisier et al.
2007; Virtanen et al.
2007). High psychological demands were associated with poorer mental health compared to improved demands, which suggests that improvements in psychological demands may be beneficial to older employees’ mental health. There was no difference in mental health between participants with improved exposure to psychological demands and participants with stable favourable exposure.
Stable unfavourable exposure to autonomy was associated with poorer mental health compared to improved exposure. This is not surprising, because earlier studies have reported a positive association between autonomy and mental health (Leijten et al.
2015; Thompson and Prottas
2006). The effect was stronger in employees aged 55–64 years, than for employees aged 45–54 years. This could be explained by findings suggesting that psychosocial risks may be more prevalent in older people (Bruce
2002), and that a greater variety of psychosocial work factors may predict mental health problems in older employees than in younger employees (Shultz et al.
2010). In older employees, there might be more room for improvement. In employees aged 55–64 years, stable favourable exposure autonomy was associated with poorer mental health compared to improved exposure. This finding does not seem to fit numerous other studies, in which autonomy is positively associated with mental health (Bond and Flaxman
2006; Thompson and Prottas
2006). Possibly, in this select group, relatively high autonomy is accompanied by high responsibility, due to seniority. Responsibility can be regarded as a job demand that is associated with mental strain (Karasek
1979).
Stable favourable exposure to support was associated with better mental health compared to improved exposure. This has been reported in earlier studies that showed a positive association between support and mental health in older workers (Leijten et al.
2015), and demonstrated that support protected against the incidence of mental health problems, such as depression and anxiety (Plaisier et al.
2007). In men, stable unfavourable exposure to support showed poorer mental health compared to improved exposure. No difference in mental health was found between improved and stable unfavourable exposure to support in women. Gender differences in effects of social support on mental health have been demonstrated before (Plaisier et al.
2007). Vermeulen and Mustard (
2000) suggested that psychosocial work exposures, including social support, may determine psychological well-being more in men compared to women. This is in line with our findings.
Stable unfavourable and stable favourable exposure to mental load showed no differences in mental health compared to improved exposure. This could be explained by a selection effect. Mental load might not be a significant problem for this study sample, due to the ‘healthy worker effect’ (Li and Sung
1999), which is characterised by relatively higher employment among physically and mentally healthier workers, due to competition and selection during hiring procedures, and relatively higher natural outflow out of employment of workers with suboptimal health. As this study focused on older workers, this selection process may have taken place, leaving the mentally more capable (of dealing with the mental load of their work) employed.
In women, stable unfavourable exposure to distributive justice was associated with poorer mental health compared to improved exposure. This is in line with earlier studies, in which distributive justice was negatively associated with depressive symptoms (Ybema and Van den Bos
2010), and burnout (Liljegren and Ekberg
2009). The gender difference in the association between unfavourable exposure to distributive justice and mental health can be explained by the notion that men and women define distributive justice in a different way, with women putting more emphasis than men on the extent to which they were treated with respect and dignity, and the favourability of their outcomes (Kulik et al.
1996). Female employees are structurally treated unfairly when it comes to, for instance, the distribution of a central resource: salary (Arulampalam et al.
2007). The gender pay gap (i.e. a structural imbalance in the distribution of pay, favouring men) illustrates a distributive injustice between men and women. With these structural differences in distributive circumstances, it is plausible that the meaning of distributive justice differs for men and women, as well as its association with mental health.
Strengths and limitations
A strength of this study is the fact that it used a follow-up period of 3 years. Also, by comparing an improvement in exposure to stable unfavourable and stable favourable exposure, this study gives insight into potential benefits of reducing exposure (Boot
2015), which are relevant in the applied setting of mental health improvement of older employees. Previous studies on changes in psychosocial work factors have mainly focused on job strain, and job control (de Lange et al.
2002; Wang et al.
2009). In this study, a variety of psychosocial work factors was considered, making it possible to discover similarities and differences in the association between different psychosocial work factors and mental health. Even though unfavourable exposure to psychosocial work factors was associated with poorer mental health in many instances, compared to improved exposure, the effects found were rather small. Even though a component mental health score of the SF-12 was used, it might have provided a more general health score than instruments that were developed for specific mental health issues. Possibly, a more specific measurement of mental health issues (such as stress) would have resulted in stronger associations (Singh-Manoux et al.
2006).
A healthy worker effect and common method variance due to the use of self-report measures could not be ruled out in the current study (Li and Sung
1999; Podsakoff et al.
2003). Consequently, the effects of unfavourable exposure to psychosocial work factors may have been masked as our population could represent a relatively healthy selection of older workers. A risk of selection bias exists, because only complete cases were used for analysis, which is most appropriate when values are missing completely at random. As respondents that were excluded due to missing values were slightly older and more likely to be female, missing values did not occur completely at random. This means that there was a potential bias due to the loss of information and precision (Little and Rubin
2014). Stepwise regression was used to check and correct for confounding, with potential confounders being selected based on the existing literature. The decision to include confounders was based on a > 10% change in the regression coefficient. Acyclic directed graphs could have been used to select confounders in a less arbitrary way, based on a theoretical model (Thulasiraman and Swamy
2011). A problem with stepwise regression is that it falsely yields confidence intervals that are too narrow, introducing bias characterised by overestimation of effects (Altman and Andersen
1989; Tibshirani
1996). Another limitation of this study was the absence of meaningful cutoff values for psychosocial work factor exposure. For the sake of readability, we chose the most unfavourable quartile for the qualification of ‘high-risk’ exposure. As a consequence, it is uncertain if those in the high-risk group were actually at high risk. More pronounced effects could be found if the cutoffs were higher in reality. On the other hand, if the cutoffs were lower in reality, associations might have been smaller. In the current study, associations between stable favourable and improved exposure were non-significant for psychological demands, autonomy (in employees aged 45–54), mental load, and distributive justice. This leaves questions unanswered about what magnitude of improvement is needed to get exposure down to levels that are not potentially harmful to older employees. In the future, more meaningful cutoff values should be established. Alternatively, latent trajectories could be distinguished to create change groups, as done by Haukka and colleagues (Haukka et al.
2011). Finally, no causal inferences could be made, because this study only looked at longitudinal associations. Especially because the effect sizes found were small, future studies should confirm whether there is a causal connection between improved exposure to psychosocial work factors, and improvements in mental health in older workers.
Implications of findings
Cautious interpretation of the findings of this study is advised. Even though many associations were statistically significant, the effects did not approach the Minimal Clinically Important Difference (MCID) value for the mental health component score of the SF-12, which is 4.7 (Parker et al.
2013). Moreover, more definitive answers should be pursued in future research that focuses on causal connections between exposure to psychosocial work factors and changes in mental health in older workers.
Reviews show that organisational-level interventions that target psychosocial work factors can be beneficial to employees’ mental health (van der Klink et al.
2001), but that implementation of these interventions is met with many challenges that could influence findings of intervention evaluations (Egan et al.
2009; Havermans et al.
2016; Montano et al.
2014). The current study shows the dynamics of psychosocial work factor exposure and mental health outside the context of a specific intervention. It shows that if interventions are effective in improving unfavourable psychosocial work factors, this might be associated with an improvement in mental health in older workers.
This could encourage organisations to deploy policies and interventions to improve the mental health of their older employees. For example, by redesigning jobs in such a way, that they fit the psychosocial needs of older employees, work ability could be promoted, and retirement could be postponed. When dealing with prevention of exposure to unfavourable psychosocial work factors, economic realities (such as the budget made available for prevention) should be taken into account. In this regard, practice can be more challenging than theory. The longitudinal perspective taken in this study is relevant for policy makers, because it can give insight into improvements made by improving unfavourable exposure to psychosocial work factors, and into the efforts still required to bring older employees from improved exposure to a level that is comparable to stable favourable exposure. Policy makers should take this into account when planning and funding research and other projects aimed at improving employees’ mental health.
Compliance with ethical standards