Background
While most adolescents are unlikely to reach the typical ‘rock-bottom’ associated with adult problem gambling (Dickson et al.,
2002), harms associated with gambling are not restricted to adult populations (Delfabbro,
2012; Delfabbro & Thrupp,
2003; Hardoon & Derevensky,
2002; Productivity Commission,
2010; Splevins et al.,
2010; Volberg et al.,
2010). Studies have consistently indicated that adolescent gambling can lead to harms including: missing or dropping out of school; undermined friendships; family disruptions; and criminal behaviour (Derevensky & Gupta,
2004; Fisher,
1999; Gupta & Derevensky,
1998; Huang et al.,
2007; Yeoman & Griffiths,
1996). Adolescent gambling has also been associated with depression, and tobacco, alcohol and other drug use (Delfabbro & Thrupp,
2003; Monaghan & Derevensky,
2008; Scholes-Balog et al.,
2016). Adolescents who gamble, particularly those adolescents who are considered to be problem or severe problem gamblers (Productivity Commission,
2010), are at-risk of financial harm as a result of their gambling (Delfabbro & Thrupp,
2003; Monaghan & Derevensky,
2008; Scholes-Balog et al.,
2016). There is also some evidence that gambling in early adolescence may be associated with problems with gambling in adulthood (Burge et al.,
2004; Griffiths,
2011; Shaffer & Hall,
2001).
Many adolescents have gambled at some point during their lifetime (Barnes et al.,
2009; Huang & Boyer,
2007; Shaffer et al.,
1999). Meta-analyses of studies conducted in the US and Canada indicated that a median of 85% and 73% of adolescents report lifetime and past-year gambling respectively (Jackson et al.,
2008); while a recent international review of 13 Australian studies and 26 international studies (from countries including Canada, the US and UK, Italy, and Finland), reported between approximately 40 and 70% of young people had gambled in the last year (King et al.,
2020). Internationally, across countries including the US, Brazil, Hong Kong, Australia, New Zealand, and several European countries, the prevalence of problem gambling among youth is estimated to range from 0.2% to 12% (Calado et al.,
2017). Variation in the prevalence estimates of adolescent lifetime, annual, and problem gambling likely reflects differences in the instruments used to assess gambling and problem gambling, the age and gender of respondents, as well as inter-country variations such as gambling legislation, types of gambling available, and access to gambling venues (Calado et al.,
2017; Delfabbro et al.,
2016). Although access and availability varies between countries, in most North American, European, and Australasian studies, the most prevalent forms of adolescent gambling were lotteries (e.g. scratchies), and betting on card games, games of skill, and sporting events (Delfabbro et al.,
2016).
Cross-sectional studies suggest a number of individual, interpersonal and community factors are correlated with increased youth gambling engagement, including relatively low family connectedness (Gupta & Derevensky,
1998; Hardoon et al.,
2004) and higher reported gambling among immediate family members (Delfabbro & Thrupp,
2003; Gupta & Derevensky,
1998; Hardoon et al.,
2004; Shead et al.,
2010). Peer gambling is also a significant factor (Delfabbro & Thrupp,
2003; Purdie et al.,
2011; Shead et al.,
2010). A 2017 systematic review examined protective and risk factors longitudinally associated with the subsequent development of gambling problems (defined as any measure of problem gambling, pathological gambling or gambling disorder) in young people up to the age of 25 years (Dowling et al.,
2017). Early risk factors which showed a small effect size for subsequent problem gambling included: alcohol, tobacco, cannabis, and other illicit drug use; anti-social behaviours (including deviancy and theft); peer antisocial behaviours (including deviancy); depressive symptoms; sensation seeking; and violence. Early risk factors with a small-medium or medium effect size for problem gambling included impulsivity; number of gambling activities; uncontrolled temperament; poor academic performance; and male gender. Problem gambling severity had a strong mean effect size for subsequent problem gambling (Dowling et al.,
2017). Early protective factors against problem gambling were: higher parent supervision; fewer social problems; and higher socio-economic status (Dowling et al.,
2017). Other protective factors which have been identified for adolescent problem gambling include higher resilience and greater family cohesion (Derevensky & Gilbeau,
2015).
Gambling is a common activity in Australia, with around 64% of adults gambling at least once a year (Armstrong and Carroll,
2017). For those under the age of 18 years, gambling in a commercial premise or using an online gambling site is illegal (Delfabbro & Thrupp,
2003; HealthWest Partnership,
2010). However, adolescents can gamble informally at home or among friends. There is also some evidence that adolescents in Australia participate in activities that are not legally accessible to minors, facilitated by parents or older siblings (Delfabbro et al.,
2005). Emerging environmental issues that are likely to impact on adolescent gambling prevalence are the expansion of gambling promotion and opportunities to gamble (Delfabbro et al.,
2016), including online gambling. The rise of smart phone and other internet-based technologies has provided unprecedented access to gambling activities (Hing et al.,
2014a,
b). In 2015, 80% of Australian adolescents aged 14 to 17 had a smart phone, 65% had used a mobile phone to go online (Victorian Responsible Gambling Foundation,
2017), 97% accessed at least one social media platform (Gainsbury et al.,
2015a,
b), and 60% of young people who had gambled had done so online (Victorian Responsible Gambling Foundation,
2017). This is despite age restrictions intended to minimise access to gambling products to those under the age of 18. Exposure to advertising is also indicated to increase the likelihood of engaging in gambling activities (Clemens et al.,
2017; Derevensky et al.,
2010). Although there are restrictions on gambling advertising during children’s television programs and sporting events in Australia (Australian Communications and Media Authority,
2019a), adolescents and children are not shielded from this promotion. For example, children may be exposed to gambling advertising during sport outside of restricted times (e.g. after 8.30 pm) (Australian Communications and Media Authority,
2019b) and many young people report exposure to gambling promotions online through social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter and YouTube (Gainsbury et al.,
2015a,
b).
Given the emergence of these environmental issues, we undertook this study to explore the prevalence of gambling and problem gambling among a population based sample of Australian adolescents. Specifically, this study examined, among Australian secondary school students aged 12–17 years, the:
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Prevalence of gambling (ever, in the last month) by age and gender;
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Prevalence of problem gambling for those who gambled in the last month by age and gender;
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Prevalence of gambling types and modalities for those who gambled in the last month and;
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Associations between gambling in the last month and problem gambling with student characteristics.
Discussion
Across this large sample of Australian secondary school students drawn from two Australian states, approximately one-third (31%) had ever gambled, and 6% reported gambling in the last month. The prevalence of ever gambling in this study was relatively low compared to some other studies of Australian adolescents, where estimates range from 41% up to 80% gambling in the last year (Delfabbro et al.,
2005; Jackson et al.,
2008; Splevins et al.,
2010), and up to 90% gambling in their lifetime (Moore & Ohtsuka,
2001). Rates are also lower than those typically reported in international studies, with a recent review indicating between 40 and 70% of young people from countries including Australia, the US and UK, Canada, Italy, and Finland engaged in gambling activities in the last year (King et al.,
2020). In the current study, when only “hard” gambling activities were considered, prevalence rates reduced to 23% of adolescents ever gambling, and 4% of adolescents gambling in the last month, on hard activities. Previous Australian and international studies have not distinguished between “hard” and “soft” forms of gambling, with King et al.,
2020 noting that adolescents may have difficulty determining whether certain activities (such as raffles) are considered to be gambling, and many studies including raffles, scratch cards, and lottery tickets within the definition of gambling. One argument for including softer forms of gambling in youth prevalence studies is the notion that gambling is a slippery slope, which may start with soft gambling and naturally proceed to hard forms of gambling (Kamis et al.,
2010). In line with previously reported patterns of youth gambling (Delfabbro et al.,
2016), gambling was more common for male students than female students, and the prevalence of gambling tended to increase with age. This study represents the largest and arguably most representative quantitative study of gambling prevalence ever conducted among Australian adolescents, and is the first to include data from multiple States. As noted by King et al., many of the previous Australian studies are not nationally representative (King et al.,
2020). As such, the current study provides potentially the most reliable and up to date estimates of gambling prevalence among Australian adolescents.
Despite the relatively low prevalence of gambling in adolescents in our study, 10% of all students were classified as being at-risk (8%) or as problem gamblers (2%). This rate is comparable with that reported in other Australian studies, where the prevalence of problem gambling ranged from < 1% (Delfabbro & King,
2011) up to 4% (Delfabbro et al.,
2005) and 5%(Purdie et al.,
2011). It is also within the wide range of problem gambling reported internationally (Calado et al.,
2017). We also found that among those students who had gambled in the last month, almost half were classified as either at-risk or problem gamblers (15%). Previous studies which also examined the prevalence of problem gambling among adolescents who reported recent gambling (i.e. in the last month) were not able to be identified for comparison.
In line with previous research (Kristiansen & Jensen,
2014), betting on sports games and personal skill games were among the most frequently reported types of gambling. In contrast to previous reports, the most common type of gambling among students who had gambled in the last month was betting on horse or dog races; while participating in lotteries or buying scratchie was less frequent compared to previous findings (Kristiansen & Jensen,
2014). The popularity of horse and dog race gambling aligns with findings reported by Moore & Ohtsuka for a sample of students from Melbourne (Victoria). They note this likely reflects the popularity of the Melbourne Cup horse race held annually in Victoria, marked by a state-wide public holiday, where family sweeps and betting by parents for children are common (Moore & Ohtsuka,
2001).
The most common modes of gambling among our sample included for a parent or guardian to purchase or play for the student, and gambling at home or a friend’s house. In addition, a significant proportion of those who gambled in the last month did so at a racecourse, a betting shop, or pub/club, despite gambling in such venues being legally restricted to those over the age of 18 years. These findings highlight the potentially important role parents and family play in facilitating gambling activities for children. Indeed, as noted above, Moore and Ohtsuka point out that the Melbourne Cup is traditionally seen as a ‘family betting day’ (Moore & Ohtsuka,
2001). A number of other Australian studies noted that adolescents who gambled on lottery products and TAB or other racing activities typically did so with adult assistance (Delfabbro et al.,
2005; Lambos et al.,
2007). However the current study also found that nearly 30% of students who had gambled in the last month did this via an online platform, and almost a quarter had gambled using an app on a tablet or mobile phone. This contrasts with earlier Australian findings (conducted prior to 2011) where internet gambling was the least popular form of gambling among adolescents (Delfabbro et al.,
2005; Jackson et al.,
2008; Splevins et al.,
2010). It is likely that our results reflect the growing accessibility and opportunities for adolescents to gamble presented by new technology such as websites and gambling apps (King et al.,
2020; Messerlian et al.,
2004).
Similar to previous studies we found that being male, having more money available to spend on self, having consumed alcohol in the last week, seeing a greater number of types of advertisements in the last month, and knowing a greater number of peer or family members who had gambled in the last month, increased the likelihood of student’s gambling in the last month. Being male and seeing a greater number of types of gambling advertisements in the last month, was also associated with being an at-risk or problem gambler. These results echo previous findings which indicate that boys are more likely than girls to gamble, and to display problem gambling behaviours (Blinn-Pike et al.,
2010; Delfabbro et al.,
2016). In contrast to previous work (Calado et al.,
2017; Delfabbro et al.,
2016), age was not significantly associated with the likelihood of gambling, and the prevalence of problem gambling did not increase uniformly with age. A number of Australian studies have reported similar inconsistencies in problem gambling across age (Splevins et al.,
2010), or non-significant differences in problem gambling prevalence by age or grade-level (Delfabbro et al.,
2005).
Previous work has also indicated that adolescent problem gambling is generally associated with other risk-taking behaviours such as smoking, alcohol and substance use, as well as poor mental health (Blinn-Pike et al.,
2010; Delfabbro et al.,
2016). In our sample, only alcohol consumption in the last week was associated with increased odds of gambling in the last month, while the other risk-taking behaviours including recent smoking and lifetime illicit drug use were not. Contrary to expectations, none of the other risk-taking behaviors (i.e. smoking, lifetime use of illicit substances) or having a mental health condition were associated with the being classified as an at-risk or problem gambler.
Results of this study highlight the particular vulnerability of males to gambling activities and problem gambling, and reinforce the important role played by family and peers, as well as exposure to gambling promotions, in influencing adolescent gambling behavior. Previous work has confirmed high recall of gambling advertising among young people, especially for television and social media advertising (Thomas et al.,
2018), and that higher exposure to gambling advertising is related to multiple gambling outcomes, including youth gambling frequency and problem gambling (Clemens et al.,
2017; Derevensky et al.,
2010; Gavriel Fried et al.,
2010). Similar to alcohol and tobacco use (Jackson & Bartholow,
2020; Pierce et al.,
2012; Sargent & Babor,
2020; Weitzman & Lee,
2020), advertisements appear to play a social role in the process of developing gambling behaviour among adolescents (Gavriel Fried et al.,
2010). Such findings reinforce the need to regulate and restrict gambling promotion to adolescents (Hing et al.,
2014a,
b; Parrado-González & León-Jariego,
2020). The findings are also consistent with previous work indicating that the frequency of parental gambling is associated with adolescent gambling behavior (McComb & Sabiston,
2010). Parents often approve of and are involved in their children’s gambling activities, and may unknowingly contribute to adolescent gambling behaviours including problem gambling (Felsher et al.,
2003). It appears that many Australian parents purchase or play gambling activities for their secondary school aged children. This suggests that prevention programmes for adolescents need to be accompanied by public education and awareness for parents and adults about the types of gambling-related problems experienced by adolescents (Felsher et al.,
2003). Recent Australian research points to the need to challenge adult perceptions of lottery products (e.g. lottery tickets and scratchies) being ‘harmless’, and the importance of discouraging parents from giving such products to their children as gifts (Booth et al.,
2020; Wilkinson,
2020).
Strengths and Limitations of the Study
This is the largest and most recent representative study of youth gambling that has been conducted in Australia, and provides reliable baseline data on gambling prevalence and associated variables for over 6,000 students across two States. The embedding of the gambling questions in the triennial ASSAD will allow for future monitoring of changes in gambling prevalence and problem gambling among Australian adolescents over time. Such monitoring is valuable in order to track changes, identify likely causes and implications, and adjust policy and program priorities, as has been done in Australia for tobacco and alcohol use since 1987 (White et al.,
2008,
2017). However, the study has a number of limitations. Firstly, as recommended by the study’s Expert Advisory Panel, activities that may be considered ‘softer’ forms of gambling, including raffles, tipping competitions, and sweeps, were included in the definition of gambling given to students. The definition and gambling activities included were consistent with several other recent Australian (Abbott et al.,
2016; Hing et al.,
2016) and international studies (Horch & Hodgins,
2013). Secondly, all variables collected in the questionnaire were self-reported, and as such are subject to potential recall error and social desirability biases.
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