Sexual minority adolescents (SMA) were noted to have increased risk of developing many negative health outcomes [
1‐
2]. A recently published Just Like Us report [
3] including 2,934 U.K. students aged 11–18, found that 42% of SMA experienced bullying, compared to 21% of non-SMA. The report also found SMA to have tripled the prevalence of self-injury behaviours, compared to non-SMA. While these evidence converged to indicate a higher prevalence of negative mental health outcomes among SMA, the underlying contributors and mechanistic factors were unclear and needed to be studied to facilitate the design of prevention and intervention for mental health problems of SMA.
Victimisation, self-harm, and depressed mood
Victimisation was one of the main risk factors discussed in the literature for negative health outcomes among SMA. Victimisation was found to be about three times more common among SMA than non-SMA (see [
4] for a meta-analytic review). Based on the Minority Stress Theory [
5], sexual minority faced social stressors as a minority, e.g., prejudice, micro-aggression, homophobic victimisation, in addition to other stressors faced by non-sexual minority, increasing their vulnerability to mental health problems [
6‐
7]. Therefore, conceivably, it might not be the sexual minority status per se, but the associated minority stressors contributing to negative mental health outcomes.
While existing research showed a significant association between victimisation and self-harm among the general adolescent population [
8‐
9], relatively fewer studies focused on self-harm among SMA. Meta-analytical data [
10] showed that 40.5% of the sexual minority population experienced self-harm, versus 24.4% of non-sexual minority. Another recent meta-analysis [
4] stated that there was no conclusive indication regarding the causal relationship and mechanistic factors between victimisation and self-harm, since most existing studies were cross-sectional. Existing cross-sectional data showed that there were interrelations among victimisation and self-harm with other social factors, such as sense of connection with the social circle [
11], internalised homophobia [
12], as well as distress in hiding their sexual identity [
13]. Among the limited studies with longitudinal designs, Burton and colleagues [
6] found that sexual minority status at Time 1 prospectively predicted suicidal thoughts and behaviours at Time 2 (6 months later) and their association was mediated by sexual minority specific victimisation at Time 2. Such results suggested that victimisation was related to suicidal thoughts and behaviours, yet their directional relationship could be better inferred if these three factors were measured at different time-points [
14]. Liu and Mustanski [
15] assessed the prospective relationship between victimisation and self-harm among youths (aged 16–20) and found that victimisation due to sexual or gender minority status was one of the strongest predictors of self-harm apart from history of suicide. In addition, using a nationally representative USA youth sample (mean age = 15.9), Teasdale & Bradley-Engen [
16] found that same-sex attraction and victimisation prospectively predicted suicidal attempts. Using a co-twin control design, O’Reilly and colleagues [
2] recently reported that SMA were around 2 times more likely to self-harm or attempt suicide, relative to non-SMA, after adjusting for genetic and shared environmental factors. While these findings appeared to suggest victimisation as a predictor of self-harm, participants’ baseline self-harm behaviours were not controlled, limiting the inference of the individual contribution of victimisation.
Apart from self-harm, depressed mood was also found to be more prevalent among SMA than non-SMA [
17]. For example, Burton and colleagues [
6] included 197 students aged 14 to 19 and found that victimisation was associated with sexual minority status and depressed mood. la Roi and colleagues [
18] found that among SMA (
N = 153), victimisation mediated the relationship between sexual identity and later depression. However, in their study, self-reported victimisation was measured before sexual orientation was measured, which limited the inference on their temporal relationship. Another study using an England prospective cohort [
19] found that victimisation mediated the difference in levels of depression between SMA (
N = 187) and non-SMA (
N = 3948). However, the sample did not include individuals born in other nations in the UK. In addition, all the aforementioned studies had less than 250 SMA participants [
6,
18,
19] and studies with a larger number of SMA participants were needed to further verify the temporal association among victimisation and negative mental health outcomes.
The role of sleep in mental health outcomes
Sleep problems were found to be more prevalent among SMA than non-SMA [
20‐
23]. This could possibly be due to SMA’s increased exposure to victimisation, which heightened cognitive and emotional arousal, disrupting one’s sleep experience [
24]. Research conducted among the general adolescent population showed that sleep problems prospectively predicted negative mood and self-harm [
26‐
27], and sleep problems mediated the effect of victimisation on depressive symptoms [
28,
29]. The link between sleep problems and negative mental health outcomes could be explained by sleep’s role in emotional regulation, which potentially affected individuals’ impulsivity and tendency towards self-injury behaviours (see [
30] for a review). Despite the higher prevalence of victimisation and negative mental health in SMA, to the best knowledge of the authors, no existing study investigated the mediating role of sleep problems on victimisation and depressive symptoms and self-harm among the sexual minority population [
31].
The current study
This study investigated if victimisation prospectively predicted self-harm and depressed mood in SMA and whether poor sleep quality mediated the relationship, since sleep quality was (1) relatively less stigmatised, (2) easier to measure when compared to victimisation and (3) found to predict diverse negative mental health outcomes [
20,
27]. We examined the difference in the types of victimisation experience and self-harm between SMA and non-SMA among our sample. We aimed to build on the limited existing longitudinal studies on victimisation and self-harm in SMA, e.g [
6,
15,
16], by (1) measuring the predictor (victimisation), mediator (sleep quality) and outcome (self-harm and depressed mood) at three different time-points, allowing inference regarding temporal relationships [
14]; (2) including the baseline measure of depressed mood and self-harm as covariates in the prospective analyses to more clearly gauge the contributions of victimisation and poor sleep quality; and (3) investigating the research questions using a nationally representative U.K. cohort which included participants across the four nations in the country. We hypothesized that the prevalence of victimisation and self-harm was higher for SMA than non-SMA. We also hypothesized that among SMA, victimisation at age 11 was a predictor for self-harm and depressed mood at age 17 after adjusting for the corresponding baseline measures. The relationship between victimisation and self-harm/depressed mood was hypothesized to be mediated by poor sleep quality at age 14.