Racial/ethnic disparity in psychological distress
We found that the rates of moderate/severe psychological distress among participants were significantly different across four racial/ethnic groups. The Hispanic group reported the highest rate of moderate/severe psychological distress, which is in line with recent studies [
27,
28]. This study also showed that Hispanics had the highest rate of food insecurity while living under 200% FPL, the lowest rate of English proficiency, the lowest rate of reporting a usual source of health care, as well as the lowest rate of neighborhood safety. Our study indicates that the Hispanic group was disproportionately impacted by the pandemic, which contributes to their relatively poor mental health outcomes.
In our study, NHAAs had the lowest rate of moderate/severe psychological distress among four groups, which is consistent with previous studies. For instance, recent studies found that NHAA adults were less likely to report depressive symptoms or anxiety compared to other racial/ethnic groups [
29‐
31]. One plausible explanation is that the mental health advantage of African Americans might be related to high religious involvement or this group’s higher standard for being mentally stressed [
29]. However, our study also found African Americans showed the highest housing instability and risks of severe illness from COVID-19. Another study from Riehm and colleagues (2021) reported that NHAAs were more likely to have high resilience during the pandemic despite facing more stressors [
32]. This paradoxical finding is consistent with a large body of previous studies conducted before the pandemic that found NHAAs had lower mental distress compared to NHWs and NHAs [
33‐
35].
The associations between SDOH and psychological distress
The present study advances understandings of associations between SDOH and psychological distress during the COVID-19 pandemic. Across the five domains of SDOH, we found that unemployment, food insecurity, housing instability, high educational attainment, usual source of health care, delayed medical care, and low neighborhood social cohesion and safety were associated with high levels of psychological distress in at least one racial/ethnic group.
Being employed was related to lower likelihood of moderate/severe psychological distress among NHWs, Hispanics, and NHAAs. Involuntary job loss can adversely impact mental health through mediating factors including financial strain as well as reduced personal control [
36]. The COVID-19 pandemic resulted in a drastic increase in U.S. unemployment rates, from around 4% to 14% in March 2020 [
37], when the data used in this study were collected. The negative relationship between employment and psychological distress was also documented by recent studies during the pandemic [
38‐
40]. While Matthews et al.’s study (2021) found that job loss had the greatest effect on psychological distress in Blacks and Asians, the current study did not find this relationship among NHAs. One possible reason is that Matthews et al. (2021) analyzed K6 as a continuous variable. We administrated weighted multiple linear regression analysis using K6 score as a continuous variable and also found the negative relationship between employment and psychological distress among NHAs.
Food security was negatively related to psychological distress levels, which indicates food security was associated with the decreased psychological distress among NHWs and Hispanics. This finding is consistent with previous research [
41]. Previous studies indicate that food insecurity is related to increased likelihood of mental distress [
42,
43], which may be explained by chronic stress associated with striving to meet basic necessities; alternatively, low intake levels of essential nutrients may harm psychological functioning when enduring food insecurity [
44,
45]. Hispanics and NHAAs faced the greatest food insecurity in this study, yet we found no significant associations between food insecurity and psychological distress among NHAA group, which was inconsistent with a pre-pandemic study using CHIS 2009–2012 [
46]. These mixed findings call for post-pandemic examinations on the association between food security and psychological distress among NHAAs.
Notably, we found that NHW homeowners experienced a low likelihood of moderate/severe psychological distress. A previous study argued that the ontological security provided by owning a home might be the path through which home ownership impacts psychological outcome [
47]. While the association between home ownership and better mental health has been established in previous studies [
48‐
50], future research might focus on such associations among different racial/ethnic groups.
Our study found that NHAAs with bachelor’s degree or above were likely to report moderate/severe distress, though such relationship was not found in other groups. However, two previous studies used the same dataset of U.S. NHAAs and demonstrated the opposite finding, indicating that higher educational levels are related to lower levels of psychological distress [
51,
52]. Recent studies conducted in China and Italy during the pandemic reported consistent findings with the current study [
53,
54]. Qiu and colleagues (2020) suggested that a higher likelihood of moderate/severe psychological distress for participants with higher educational levels might be explained by their higher awareness of their health. However, such explanations fail to explain the racial/ethnic difference in current study. The mixed findings regarding the relationship between psychological distress and educational level demands further research, especially within research comparing different races/ethnicities.
Regarding health care access and quality, we found that having a usual source of health care (except emergency care) was associated with low odds of having moderate/severe psychological distress among NHAAs. Moreover, having experienced delayed medical care increased the likelihood of moderate/severe psychological distress among all groups, which is consistent with previous studies indicating negative relationships between delayed medical care and mental health outcomes [
40,
55]. With an increasing number of individuals experiencing delayed medical care [
56,
57], the COVID-19 pandemic can lead to increased morbidity and mortality that is not directly caused by viral infection [
58‐
60]. In our study, NHAAs showed the strongest association between having delayed medical care and psychological distress across all four groups. Racial/ethnic differences of the relationship between health care access/quality (i.e., having a usual source of health care and having delayed medical care) and psychological distress might be explained by higher numbers of existing medical conditions among NHAAs. As the current study suggests, NHAAs showed the highest risk of severe illness from COVID-19, which included medical conditions such as asthma, diabetes, high blood pressure, heart disease, and obesity [
26].
Non-Hispanic Whites who reported higher levels of neighborhood social cohesion were less likely to report moderate/severe psychological distress. Although Hispanic and NHAA groups had significantly lower levels of neighborhood social cohesion compared to NHWs, we found no significant relationships between neighborhood social cohesion and psychological distress among those two groups, nor was this association noted among NHAs. The relationship between neighborhood social cohesion and mental health remains inconclusive in previous studies, especially among racial/ethnic minorities. For example, some studies suggest that neighborhood social cohesion can be a positive factor associated with better mental health [
61‐
65]. However, several earlier studies found no significant relationship between neighborhood social cohesion and mental health among African Americans [
66], Hispanic Americans [
67], and Asian Americans [
68]. Notably, studies found significant relationships between neighborhood social cohesion and health outcomes among NHWs in the U.S., but this relationship was non-significant among other racial/ethnic groups [
69,
70]. Future research should seek additional clarity regarding the nuanced distinctions across race/ethnicity as related to neighborhood social cohesion and mental health. Lastly, better neighborhood safety was associated with lower odds of moderate/severe psychological distress among all groups, which was reported by previous studies [
66,
70‐
72]. Physical activity was reported as a mediator between neighborhood safety and mental health outcome, indicating that neighborhood safety concerns are negatively associated with physical activity, thus negatively related to mental health [
71]. With social distancing recommendations limiting indoor exercise opportunities during the pandemic, it is unsurprising that lower neighborhood safety is highly associated with lack of physical activity, when considering that walking in the neighborhood is one of the few options for engaging in physical activity during the pandemic [
73].
Implications for public health practice and policy
Despite noted limitations, this study has implications for public health practice and policy. First, these findings highlight racial/ethnic disparities regarding psychological distress level and SDOH among four racial/ethnic groups. In combination with findings from previous studies, our study suggests that Hispanic adults are facing more adverse SDOH and are disproportionately impacted by the pandemic. Moreover, some social determinants were significantly associated with psychological distress levels among Hispanic adults, who presented with the highest rates of psychological distress among the four racial/ethnic groups in this study.
Although the U.S. implemented temporary support such as Employment Impact Payment Actions (i.e., coronavirus stimulus check), the CARES Act, and the families First Coronavirus Response Act across the nation, actions are still needed to address and dismantle the structural and cultural barriers to achieve economic stability during the COVID-19 pandemic. Regarding food insecurity, participants might face barriers, such as difficulties enrolling in Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), problems accessing food banks during shutdowns, or securing transportation to food shopping [
78]. Flexible enrollment and certification requirements for SNAP and outreach to the communities at higher risk of food insecurity are warranted to ensure particular racial/ethnic groups are not further marginalized [
78]. Considering many individuals’ dependence on neighborhoods for outdoor activity in compliance with social distancing rules, the importance of perceived neighborhood safety might be heightened during the pandemic. Measures (e.g., improved outdoor lighting and maintenance) and support services (e.g., policing and public transportation) for neighborhoods perceived to be less safe should be considered [
79].
Moreover, the strong relationship between delayed medical care and psychological distress among all groups highlighted the collateral damage experienced during the COVID-19 pandemic. Previous studies have demonstrated a drastic increase of delayed medical care among U.S. adults [
56,
57]. With use of digital communication technologies, telehealth can (in many cases) deliver long-distance clinical health care, patient and provider education, health information and health administration services [
80,
81]. Provider–patient communication through telehealth services can address many patients’ concerns regarding medical care. Tele-mental health services were also suggested by a previous study addressing mental health symptoms during the pandemic [
82]. Additionally, health care accessibility and quality were suggested as important factors associated with psychological distress levels among NHAAs (McGuire & Miranda, 2008). Expanding health care accessibility, improving health care quality, and providing telehealth services to manage new and ongoing medical conditions in African American communities could help relieve psychological distress.