Ethnopharmacological practices by livestock farmers in Uganda: Survey experiences from Mpigi and Gulu districts

Cattle and goats are the main livestock ruminants kept in rural communities in tropical Africa [1]. In Uganda, more than 80% of the rural population relies on agricultural production, with a varied focus on livestock and crop agriculture depending on the agro-ecological zone [2]. Livestock diseases greatly affect animal welfare, health and productivity, and lead to high treatment costs, losses through reduced growth, unchecked morbidity and mortality [1, 3, 4]. Helminthosis is among the most debilitating livestock conditions, costing farmers millions of Ugandan shillings through lost production and control efforts [2, 5, 6]. Notably, gastrointestinal nematodes cause poor weight gains, reduced production, severe weight loss or even direct mortality, especially in small ruminants in resource-poor farming communities [1]. Although many alternative control strategies for helminthosis, such as pasture management [7‐9], use of nematophagous fungi [10, 11], nutritional supplementation with beneficial forages [12‐15], and targeted anthelmintic treatment with the FAMACHA^© system, have been put forward [16, 17], frequent use of anthelmintics dominates [4], to which helminths have become resistant [18‐20].

The World Health Organization estimates that about 80% of the population in developing countries depends on traditional medicine for their primary health care needs [21]. Most of the rural small-holder farmers cannot afford the cost of modern drugs [22], and therefore resort to Indigenous Technical Knowledge (ITK). ITK refers to localized, structured, traditional application of knowledge generated from continuous experimentation and observation of a given phenomenon of interest [23]. In this study, it refers to the use of ethnopharmacological practices, which over a long time have been used to treat diseases and ailments in a given geographical location. The study of ITK is encouraged in Uganda and many African countries because ethnoveterinary practices can supplement modern drugs, and since they are cheaper [24] they are often practiced by farmers [5, 22, 25]. In addition, drug discovery efforts have been refreshed with the aim of addressing the current resistance problems against the most frequently used anthelmintics [26].

There are a number of studies in Uganda which have documented livestock species-specific ethnopharmacological practices in different parts of the country [25, 27‐33]. However, due to limited scope, variation of ITK by culture and changing livestock production practices, diversified knowledge from other regions is needed. Before 1986, the Acholi people in Gulu produced a large proportion of cattle and goats, but the district was ravaged by war for more than 20 years. With peace returning, Gulu farmers are currently restocking the land. In contrast, Mpigi district is part of what is known as the cattle corridor, where livestock production is highest in Uganda. Being near the capital city, it is easy to access modern veterinary drugs. With traditional knowledge being replaced by continued use of conventional veterinary drugs, the utilization of indigenous practices is expected to decrease unless properly documented [1]. To document such indigenous knowledge, this study was undertaken to identify the most common practices using plants to treat livestock diseases in Mpigi and Gulu districts of Uganda.

This is the first detailed survey of livestock ethnopharmacological practices from Gulu district. Evidently, there was lower utilization of ethnopharmacological practices in Gulu district compared to Mpigi. In Gulu district, younger farmers (<40 years) portrayed less knowledge, possibly as a result of the breakdown in the ‘traditional social safety nets’ breakdown as an outcome of war or insurgencies in the district [36]. The role of traditional social safety nets adaptation and resilience has been recognized in Zimbabwe [37]. Similarly, goats instead of cattle were first priority due to reduced land sizes and cattle losses incurred during the previous war. The impact of the war is still felt in the economic performance of the district [38, 39].

The current study established 40 plants from 34 genera and 22 families, and 7 non-plant practices, used to treat livestock diseases. A previous global study documented that more than 119 conventional drugs prescribed were derived from plants. The bioactivity of 74% of 119 plant-derived drugs was discovered during validation studies of documented traditional uses of the respective plants [40]. Therefore, the use of the plants identified in the present study in advanced searches for new drugs is paramount and can lead to novel discoveries. Documentation of ITK nevertheless, guards against loss of traditional knowledge due to limited inter-generation transfer [24, 25].

More females than males participated, and a majority of the respondents at least had primary level education. Women have better health seeking behaviour than men, and herbal medicine is practiced in a similar pattern [21, 27]. According to this study, men mainly did the ethno-diagnosis and treatment of livestock diseases. This is probably because taking care of large livestock such as cattle is by tradition considered male gender role in Uganda. This could also mean that much of ITK in livestock is mainly passed to the next generation through men. The participation of more women than men during FGDs could therefore mean that women considered this an opportunity to learn more about livestock. Indeed, FGDs in this study were a learning platform for many participants, who exchanged information on the different plants used for treating different diseases and conditions in livestock.

The numbers of plants and preparation methods described in this study were restricted to the prioritised diseases/conditions for the animal species identified (Table 2). In addition, the study documented the scientific, English, Luganda and Acholi names, which enhances intra- and inter-generation dissemination. The relative availability and conservation status of the different plants was reported, which few studies have achieved.

The most common mode of preparation was water extraction (75%), where the plant parts were crushed and mixed with water before drenching. This is similar to previous findings [27] that showed the use of 37 plants against helminthosis in livestock from pastoral communities in Uganda. Decoction (boiling plant parts in water) was more common than infusion (submerging plant parts in hot water), and this is in agreement with a previous report [25]. However, this is contrary to a finding that most plant preparations in Bulamogi county, Uganda, were by infusion and less commonly by decoction [32]. The study in Bulamogi described more than 200 plants and practices for treatment of various human ailments but with less focus on livestock diseases.

Different studies have documented usage of some of these plant species in different parts of Uganda and Kenya [5, 25, 27, 28, 30, 32, 41, 42]. All of these studies are area-specific, prospecting for different livestock or poultry diseases, whereas this study was focused on the farmer prioritized conditions and remedies. In one study, up to 29 plants were documented for the treatment of ECF, five for diarrhea and one against intestinal worms [32]. Another study [27] documented 11 of the plants mentioned in the current study but five of these were prepared differently. Such variations in methods may cause significant difference in bioactivity of plant material due to variation in concentration of bioactive compounds [3] even when the same plant is used. In a study of household herbal medicine used in four districts of Uganda, 41 plants were documented but noted the loss of ITK [31]. In pastoral Karamoja, 209 plants treating 130 conditions were documented [25]. A study in Mpigi district in 1993 documented 46 plants used for a wide range of conditions [5] but only 16 (35%) of these were reported in the current study. What is interesting is the wide variation of ITK over time, even in the same or similar geographical locations.

Knowledge levels decreased by age, and the people younger than 40 years were less knowledgeable, which is similar to findings in Kenya [42]. Also similar to previous findings [5, 42], males in the present study were more knowledgeable than females of similar ages. The information was not freely shared, unlike in pastoral areas [3, 25], possibly because some people were believed to have native treating ability. The farmers believed most plants were safe and non-toxic [25, 31]. However, plants known to be toxic were used, albeit with caution in advance. In these cases, there was an attempt to give clear amounts within which the doses were safe. Use of non-plant practices, like cooking oil and soap, has been documented before [27, 30, 42]. It is notable that these practices varied with the condition and usually no standard amounts were specified. The use of plants and non-plant practices in this study demonstrated that farmers have great wealth of knowledge of disease conditions affecting their animals. The validation of this information through well designed scientific research and dissemination of such findings will enhance ITK utilization.

In Mpigi and Gulu districts, farmers used a variety of 40 plants and seven non-plant practices to treat livestock and poultry diseases. More than half of these plants were readily available in their environment while 25% were rare, and thus their use is compromised. The ethnoveterinary knowledge level was low among people below 40 years, especially in Gulu which may be attributed to the negative impact of prolonged war on the traditional social safety nets which are crucial in imparting ITK to the young folks. This was exhibited by fewer farmers practicing ITK in Gulu District. This calls for heightened sensitization about use and conservation of these plant resources in this district. Validation of efficacy of these ethnopharmacological products is also imperative to enhance full-scale use of these products in livestock production.