Background
With less than 0.5% of the world’s population, Canada is fortunate to have 7% of the world’s renewable fresh water [
1]. Not all Canadians, however, have equitable access to safe drinking water [
2]. For Indigenous peoples in Canada, safe drinking water often remains a challenge, despite federal, provincial, and territorial efforts to address water issues [
3‐
6]. Indigenous peoples is a collective name for the original peoples of North America and their descendants. There are three constitutionally recognized groups of Indigenous peoples in Canada (First Nations, Métis, and Inuit) and all three groups are distinct from each other and have unique histories, languages, cultural practices, and spiritual beliefs. Indigenous communities tend to experience more drinking water security (e.g. access to sufficient and safe water) challenges than non-Indigenous communities in Canada [
7,
8].
Water quantity concerns facing some Indigenous communities include challenges in obtaining enough safe water for consumption and basic hygiene. For example, in the Northwest Territories where Indigenous peoples represent 48% of the population, resource development and climate change place pressures on water resources [
9]. Water quality has also been challenging for many First Nation [
3,
4,
10], Inuit [
11‐
13], and Métis [
14,
15] communities. Drinking water advisories are issued when water quality is compromised, and these drinking water advisories are 2.5 times more frequent in First Nation communities compared to non-First Nation communities [
5]. Advisories are intended to be a temporary measure to protect public health; however, many First Nation communities experience prolonged periods of drinking water advisories lasting an average of 343 days [
16]. As of September 30, 2015, there were 138 drinking water advisories in effect in 94 First Nation communities across Canada [
17]. In comparison, it was estimated that there were at least 1838 drinking-water advisories in effect in Canada at the beginning of 2015 [
18]. In response to drinking water quality concerns, the Government of Canada commissioned an independent national risk assessment on First Nations water systems in 2011, which found that over 39% of First Nation water systems were “high risk,” indicating that these water systems have major deficiencies and pose a high risk to the quality of water and to human health [
19]. Climate change will only further threaten water security for many of these water systems [
20]. Despite the Government commissioned assessment and approximately $3 billion invested in water and wastewater since 2006 [
21], the challenge persists, with progress reports indicating that, despite improvements, 19% of First Nation water systems are still considered “high risk” [
22].
These water quality challenges have important public health implications, resulting in many Canadian Indigenous populations identified as a group at increased risk of waterborne illness compared to Canadian non-Indigenous populations [
2,
10,
13,
23,
24]. For instance, untreated water was a suspected source of
Giardia infection accounting for 29% of notifiable gastrointestinal illness in the Northwest Territories [
25]. Furthermore, about a third of residents of the Nunavik Inuit region consume untreated water, placing some Inuit at increased risk for waterborne gastroenteritis [
26,
27]. Water quality challenges have also attracted widespread media coverage, including the discovery of
Escherichia coli in the water supply in Kashechewan, Ontario, where the combination of flooding and contaminated water led to the evacuation of nearly half of the Kashechewan First Nation, illustrating the consequences of insufficient water infrastructure in some Indigenous communities [
28,
29].
Water insecurity not only impacts physical health, but can also impact Indigenous peoples spiritual health [
30]. For some Indigenous peoples, particularly some First Nation peoples, water has spiritual characteristics and is sometimes considered a spirit; as such, water is often considered sacred and can be important for healing and forming spiritual relationships [
31,
32]. Furthermore, water supports Indigenous ways of life for many First Nation [
4,
33], Inuit [
34‐
36], and Métis people [
15]. As Grand Chief B.G. Cheechoo, Chief of the Nishnawbe-Aski Nation, explains: “Our history is tied to these waters. Our continued reliance on fishing, trapping and hunting and our desire to do so is dependent on these waters. Our future is based on these waters… Any threat to such waters poses a direct threat to our survival” [
33].
While research on water security in Indigenous communities is growing, there remains a deficit in studies examining risk perceptions of Indigenous water issues among Indigenous peoples and the general public [
37,
38]. Examining risk perceptions can provide insight into understanding individual risk-averting behaviour and management strategy preferences [
39‐
41]. Going further, risk perceptions [
42,
43] and public understanding [
44] of water-related issues can be shaped by media coverage. For instance, media can shape perceptions through “agenda setting” [
45], which is the ability of the media to focus public attention on key topics (e.g. through the number of stories published on a topic) [
46]. This focus on key topics, in turn, can influence which issues the public learns about and considers important and worthy of directing public resources towards solving.
Public perceptions are also influenced by the context in which issues are presented in the media [
47]. For example, media can frame issues within the context of specific terms, events, or perspectives, through the process of selecting and emphasizing certain elements of a story, as well as the way characters and actors are portrayed [
45,
48,
49]. Media coverage of Indigenous issues has been reported to be problematic, as Indigenous issues are often framed with a negative tone rather than a neutral tone – potentially leading the public to have an incomplete, or inadequate picture of the larger issues at play – or, the issues are excluded from media coverage all together [
50]. This point has been further emphasized in the 94 Calls to Action put forward by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC) [
51], with the final report calling on the media for continued, concerted, and “dedicated news coverage and online public information resources on issues of concern to [Indigenous] peoples” (84.3, p. 294). This Call to Action requires that the media take responsibility to ensure reporting of Indigenous peoples and issues in Canada is fair, representative, and non-discriminatory, and that journalists are informed and take responsibility for “learning about the history of [Indigenous] peoples and the issues that affect their lives” (86, p. 295) [
51].
Although Indigenous peoples represent 4.3% of the Canadian population [
52], water issues disproportionately impact Indigenous communities and these issues can be underrepresented in mainstream media [
51]. Indeed, a recent study in 2013 found that news stories on Indigenous issues in Ontario, Canada amounted to 0.46% of all news stories, and had limited coverage of health or water issues [
53]. Considering the lack of understanding of how Indigenous water issues are perceived, media’s influence on perceptions, and the TRC’s call for dedicated news coverage for Indigenous issues, the goal of our research is to better understand how media portray water security challenges in Indigenous communities. Specifically, the objectives are to examine the extent, range, and nature of newspaper coverage of drinking water security challenges in Canadian Indigenous communities. By examining newspaper coverage, we can begin to understand the ways in which public opinion and understanding of drinking water security challenges can be shaped, thus providing implications for decision-making and action in addressing water-related challenges, not only in Indigenous communities in Canada but also potentially other Indigenous peoples facing similar challenges globally.
Discussion
News coverage of water security challenges in Indigenous communities in Canada from 2000-2015 were examined in this study. Over the 16-year study period, 256 news stories appeared in four prominent newspapers (
Toronto Star, The Globe and Mail, National Post, and
Windspeaker). When our results are compared to other studies, our results suggest limited coverage compared to non-Indigenous water challenges; for example, while we found 131 articles in
The Globe and Mail and the
National Post over 16 years spanning First Nations, Inuit, and Métis communities across the country, news coverage of the Walkerton water crisis was covered in 652 news stories in the same newspapers over two years [
44]. Indeed, a recent study also found that Indigenous populations in Canada are widely underrepresented in mainstream media [
53] and, within this coverage, Inuit and Métis water challenges received even less coverage. This finding may be explained by the lack of publically available and accessible data on boil water advisories experienced by Inuit and Métis communities compared to First Nations communities, where boil water advisories are compiled and provided on a monthly basis on Health Canada’s website [
75]. Going further, there is a lack of peer-reviewed literature on Inuit or Métis water-related health issues [
13,
76‐
78], reflecting the lack of data collected on Inuit or Métis health issues in general [
8]. It is recommended that water and health issues in Inuit and Métis communities are studied further, and regularly compiled and reported to the public.
Government representatives and Indigenous peoples were the primary sources quoted, with both often portraying drinking water quality as ‘shameful’, given that some First Nation communities have been under boil-water advisories for years. Literature have also reflected conditions on First Nation reserves as ‘unacceptable’ [
79,
80]. From 2000 to 2015, the number of Indigenous peoples quoted increased, perhaps due to the cumulative impacts of persistent drinking water issues and boil-water advisories [
17]. However, the number of quotes alone may not be an adequate indicator of representation of voice in the media. In future studies, considering the length of quotes could provide information on the extent of contextual background information provided, and thus insights into voice representation [
81].
Coverage appeared low except for in 2001 and 2005 when news coverage slightly increased due to large waterborne disease outbreak in North Battleford, Saskatchewan (April 2001) and substantially increased in response to water crisis in Kashechewan, Ontario (October-November 2005) (Fig.
5). From this trend, it appeared that media coverage was prominent during and immediately after a water contamination event, but was not well covered before the event despite the chronic and on-going water security challenges in many communities. Further, despite the importance of preventative measures for safe drinking water, such as multi-barrier protection [
82], or source water protection [
5], these preventative measures were rarely reported in news articles. As such, news coverage focused more on responses and recovery rather than prevention and mitigation. This finding is supported by a recent media analysis of Canadian Indigenous issues, that found government responses generally followed after concerns were voiced or crises were experienced, rather than before such incidents [
53]. The low coverage on prevention and high focus on responses could be explained by media’s interest in government actions and agendas [
83,
84], and is consistent with other studies where coverage on government responses was high, for example during the Walkerton, Ontario water crisis [
44]. Considering preventative measures have potential to improve drinking water quality for Indigenous communities in Canada [
5], future media messaging with the help of public health practitioners and water stakeholders, could focus more on prevention and mitigation to protect water security in Indigenous communities.
The Kashechewan, Ontario water crisis in 2005, a short-term event, gained substantial coverage compared to communities experiencing long-term boil water advisories, consistent with studies where novel risks experienced over a short time frame generally had higher coverage than longer term risks [
85]. However, it is important to note that water issues in Kashechewan are ongoing; for example, Kashechewan recently experienced floods leading to the evacuation of some of its residents in 2014 and 2015 [
86]. With limited media coverage on Indigenous water security, except during a large outbreak, smaller or chronic waterborne outbreaks may be overlooked by politicians, decision makers, and the general public. To overcome this challenge, public health providers and practitioners may play an important leadership role in developing media relationships to promote coverage of communities with long-term drinking water issues [
83,
87].
Most articles focused on government responses to Indigenous water security challenges, and in particular, focused on inadequate government spending and action. The lack of government funding available to address Indigenous water security challenges [
82,
88,
89], along with the history of water-related government actions [
82,
89], have been reported in peer-reviewed literature. While progress was made in improving safe drinking water provision in high risk communities [
90], the emphasis on government responses surrounding inadequate funding and action, along with the persistence of drinking water issues [
75], suggest a call for further government support and action.
Governance challenges reported in the articles reviewed included: drinking water policy challenges; infrastructure challenges including technical and financial; and regulatory framework challenges. Among articles that focused on drinking water policy challenges, articles discussed the lack of legally enforceable Federal safe drinking water standards on reserves [
91], along with the complicated policy framework currently in place [
88]. Articles that focused on infrastructure challenges primarily discussed challenges with water treatment infrastructure, the lack of local operator training, and the lack of financial support, consistent with challenges reported in literature [
88,
92]. News coverage on regulatory framework challenges mainly focused on the complicated jurisdictional issues regarding water on First Nations reserves [
6,
89,
93], highlighting the difficulties when the responsibility for water quality on reserves is shared between First Nations councils and the Federal government [
89] and provincial governments are responsible for regulating and enforcing legislation and policies relating to municipal water systems.
Disproportionate government efforts in addressing water security challenges between Indigenous and non-Indigenous communities was emphasized in news articles. For example, a large waterborne disease outbreak occurred in Canada (Walkerton, Ontario in May-June 2000). This event brought considerable media coverage and attention to water quality issues in Canada, and led to policy changes, new regulations (e.g.
Safe Drinking Water Act, 2002), and public inquiries to address such issues at Provincial, Territorial, and Federal scales within two years after the outbreak [
94,
95]. These new policies, however, do not apply to, and do not jurisdictionally impact, First Nation reserves [
96]. The
Safe Drinking Water for First Nations Act was introduced in 2013 [
97], eight years after the 2005 Kashechewan water crisis and other ongoing water issues. This delayed action suggests the “double standard” that Indigenous peoples emphasized in news articles, which may be responsible for the differences in water security experienced among different groups across the Nation [
82].
Indigenous water security was largely covered using a neutral or a negative emotional tone, consistent with negative tone framing for other environmental issues such as natural disasters [
83] and climate change [
98]. Articles with negative tones focused on government responses to Indigenous water security challenges, specifically on inadequate government spending or action. Articles with a positive tone focused on solutions such as introducing new government budgets, perhaps for the purpose of advancing and/or supporting political agendas [
84]. It is likely that the media representation of drinking water will affect the way that actions are taken. The high negative coverage of articles on inadequate government responses is likely to promote this negative image to the public, and the public may be aware that drinking water is problematic and requires government responses to mitigate this problem. Articles also represented a nearly equal balance of episodic and thematic frames. Past research suggested that episodic frames tend to present events as isolated incidents, and in the absence of the broader context, can lead to shallower understanding of political and social issues [
59,
99]. Coverage using thematic framing generally reflected the chronic Indigenous water security issues. Research suggests that thematic frames generally help readers view a topic as an ongoing issue, rather than a one-time event, and are more likely to cause people to see an issue as a shared responsibility [
59]. As both frames were represented, readers would likely expect some action taken by decision-makers to address Indigenous water security challenges.
Additionally, the themes of conflict and cooperation emerged prominently throughout the analysis. Jurisdictional conflicts surrounding drinking water exist [
6,
96], and cooperation and collaboration among Indigenous groups, Federal government agencies, and provincial governments have been acknowledged as essential for moving forward with drinking water safety [
82,
96]. Many factors contributed to the rise in tension, in particular, the Kashechewan water crisis, as well as the chronic boil water advisories in many First Nation communities. Articles often leaned towards conflict likely to draw readers, consistent with other studies where conflict frames were prominent in media coverage of environmental issues such as climate change [
43,
100,
101]. Interestingly, climate change framing was absent in news articles, despite the impact of climate change on water security [
12,
13,
102]. It is recommended that news articles begin to discuss water issues in the context of climate change.
This study provided a comprehensive and systematic review, however, there are several important study limitations. While “substantial agreement” in relevance screening was achieved, the reviewers faced some difficulties as many articles had only vague reference to water issues. This study also did not examine other media that might also be influential in shaping public perceptions such as radio or television; however, we reported on a selection of Canadian newspapers with the highest circulation figures, along with the Windspeaker (leading Indigenous news source in Canada), which likely provided a good reflection of overall news coverage in Canada from 2000-2015. Coverage in non-Indigenous communities was also not examined; as such, direct comparisons between water security coverage in Indigenous and non-Indigenous communities were not possible, but may have provided more insight into the equity of coverage between groups. Although our results suggest that Indigenous water security issues are under-represented in the media, further research with non-Indigenous comparison groups should be conducted to test this hypothesis. We also analyzed framing in coverage and key themes but we do not know how this information is received and interpreted by different audiences. Further research is needed to determine how coverage compares between Indigenous and non-Indigenous communities in Canada; how coverage differs from other sources of media; and how decision-makers and the general public perceive water security challenges covered by the media.