Three periods can be identified in the establishment of a backpacker drug policy:
First period – Until late 1995: Backpacker drug use does not constitute a ‘social or health problem’
During this period, no backpacker drug problem was recognized. Led by IADA, it was assumed by Israeli policymakers that only marginal and non-threatening levels of drug usage existed. They perceived drug use as uncharacteristic of Israeli backpackers [
1,
30]. Global backpacker drug use had been acknowledged for many years [
14,
31]. During the 1980s, young Israelis began to backpack [
5], although almost no studies focused on drug use during this period. So, it remains unknown when exactly drug use began to be widespread. The same is true of its extent, and trends exhibited during these years [
1].
The social activity of raves (i.e., all night techno-music outdoor beach parties) contributed to drug use escalation [
1,
30,
32‐
34]. These were especially common for backpackers in the Indian state of Goa [
35] and on islands in southern Thailand [
16]. However, it is assumed that Israeli backpackers engaged in recreational drug use from the very beginning of backpacking culture in the early 1970s. These habits escalated and were apparently already widespread during the mid-1980s [
1,
8].
Despite drug proliferation during this period, general unawareness was still the norm. The Israeli policymaking establishment, the media, and parents of the backpackers were ignorant of the extent of the problem. They did not really know what happened on a typical backpacker trip [
1]. Of course, no internet or cell phone communication then existed. Thus, the only information came from written letters and the occasional call home. To some degree, lack of awareness derived from backpackers themselves keeping drug-use a relatively well-kept secret from adult authority figures. However, it was well known to backpacking peer groups and Israeli youth. Descriptions of backpacker antics were soon heard in Israel, along with photographic evidence of overseas drug experiences [
30,
33]. Some treatment professionals, in private clinics or psychiatric hospitals, treated backpackers who suffered from mental disorders related to drug abuse. Yet the prevailing notion was that drug use was uncommon. It was not a social problem and did not need a formal drug policy [
1,
36]. Some articles on backpacker drug behaviors were occasionally published in Israeli media outlets. These highlighted backpackers who fell victim to drug abuse overseas. For instance, “a 30 year-old man that ate hallucinogenic mushrooms in Thailand was returned to Israel for hospitalization” [
37]. Others offered lurid glimpses into the backpacking experience. One article was titled, “Everything you wished you knew about acid and didn’t dare ask” [
38]. Here, the journalist focused on backpacker drug use in Thailand. Yet these random articles failed to arouse significant social interest beyond simple curiosity [
1].
The subject of backpacker drug abuse was raised for the first time in Israel on June 21, 1993 at the end of the SCDAA in the Knesset. The initial pretense was a discussion of raves and acid parties in Israel [
39]. Young adult backpackers were first mentioned as a group that had imported this trend into Israel. The use of drugs among backpackers was mentioned, but did not draw attention.
The subject was raised again on February 28, 1995, without attracting concern. This SCDAA gathered to discuss the subject of student drug use based on an article in
Pi Haton (a student newspaper of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem) [
40]. The article described widespread student drug use during a pre-university backpacking trip. Explicit statements from editors of the student newspaper and other young student representatives were made to the committee. However, the data was rejected.
A third SCDAA meeting on July 11, 1995 focused on young Israelis engaged in cannabis smuggling in the Sinai. This discussion also made reference to backpacker drug use in India [
41], but only towards the end of the meeting. Therefore, it was agreed that an exclusive discussion of drug-using backpackers would take place the following week. As a result, the SCDAA officially convened to discuss the subject of “The growing phenomenon of Israeli young people who consume hard drugs in India and the Far East” [
42]. The committee included professionals and came to realize that the percentage of drug-using young adult backpackers remained unclear. It was decided not to rush into implementing a policy. A more thorough investigation and clarification of the facts needed to be carried out before publicizing the issue.
Second period – Late 1995 to 2000: The media started to report intensively on backpacker drug use. As a result, a drug policy dedicated to finding health and social solutions was demanded
At the end of December 1995, an onrush of backpackers flooded the beaches of Goa for New Year celebrations. The Israeli media then started to report intensively on backpacker drug use. They exposed the public to the supposed ‘facts’ of drug abuse, mental illness, and even death. It was reported that “thousands of ‘salt of the earth’ Israelis [were] getting high on the beaches of Goa.” Sixteen articles were published by newspapers between 26 December, 1995 and 1 January, 1996. This included long form weekend articles. News reporters were sent to Goa to cover backpacker drug use. They used their journalistic resources such as graphic photographs, lengthy articles, and imposing headlines. They also employed morally and emotionally loaded language.
Table
1 displays the examples of Israeli newspaper headlines on various issues such as correlation of backpackers and drug abuse, delinquency and drug trafficking, and mental illness, insanity, and death. It also displays media calls for parents and policymakers to take action.
Table 1
Examples of headlines in Israeli newspapers
Correlation of backpackers and drug abuse | “Thousands of young Israeli participants at drug and alcohol parties in India,” Ma’ariv, December 26, 1995. By Yoav Limor; “Thousands of Israelis for seven days dropping acid at huge beach party in India,” Yediot Aharonot, December 29, 1995. By Asefa Peled; “Indian trip: Yes, thousands of Israelis participate each year in acid parties in India,” Ma’ariv, December 29, 1995. By Yoav Limor; “Israelis get high in India: Taking drug-trips,” Yediot Aharonot, January 1, 1996. By De Bar, S; “Thousands of Israelis at the biggest drug party in the world,” Yediot Aharonot, December 26, 1995. By Peled, A.; “Sylvester in Goa: The biggest drug party. Israelis in Goa celebrate tonight,” Ma’ariv, December 31, 1995. By Capra, M.; “Goa: Israelis, drugs, and Sylvester. A few hours before the opening of the biggest drug party in India,” Ma’ariv, January 1,1996. By Capra, M.; “Sylvester in Goa: Mom, what a great trip! A quarter to seven in the morning the sun rises in Goa and the drug party reaches its peak,” Ma’ariv, January 2, 1996. By Capra, M.; “Goa,” Ma’ariv Weekend, January 5, 1996. By Capra, M. |
Correlation of backpackers, drug abuse and mental illness and insanity | “Five Israelis who took hallucinogenic drugs in India suffer from psychotic episodes: Possibility of sending a plane to India to rescue victims of drugs,” Ma’ariv, December 27, 1995. By Yaakov Galanti; “24-year-old Israeli woman rescued from Goa in difficult psychotic condition,” Yediot Aharonot, February 19, 1996. By Sofer, R.; “Israeli who smoked drugs in Goa admitted to psychiatric hospital,” Ma’ariv, February 2, 1996. By Capra, M.; “Israeli woman rescued from Goa,” Ma’ariv, February 19, 1996. By Shaked. Y. |
Correlation between backpackers, drug abuse and death | “The visit to the East almost finished his life: A young man boy tells his mother he took magic mushrooms, but after returning to Israel, suffered a severe reaction and was hospitalized,” Ma’ariv, December 27, 1995. |
| “For David Kim, Goa is a bad dream: a year ago rescued…,” Ma’ariv, December 27, 1995. By Golan Yosifon; “Return from Goa,” Yediot Aharonot Weekend, January 5, 1996. By Argaman-Barnea, A.; “Celebration ended in Goa,” Yediot Aharonot, January 16, 1996. By Baum, A.& Eshel, S.; “The solution is not India! Instead of necessary treatment, unit sent to Goa beach, with or without condoms, wrangles with authorities,” Haaretz, January 1, 1996. By Golan, A |
Correlation between backpackers and delinquency/ drug trafficking | “Israeli backpacker arrested in Goa suspected as drug dealer,” Ma’ariv, January 10, 1996. By Brenner, D. & Cohen, A.; “30 young Israelis arrested in India and Thailand for drug offenses,” Haaretz, January 24, 1996. By Alon, G. & Zrahiya, T. |
Correlation of construction of clear and tangible danger due to these behaviors and media prediction of dire consequences if failure to act: Creates call for parents to worry over their children’s potential interaction with drugs | “Possibility of sending plane to India to rescue victims of drugs,” Ma’ariv, December 27, 1995. By Yaakov Galanti; “Israelis in India panic: Hundreds of worried parents phone Goa, begging children to go home,” Yediot Aharonot, December 31, 1995. By Asefa Peled; “Parents asked to fly to Goa, India, to return their children from drug party,” Haaretz, December 27, 1995. By Rali, S; “Parents do something about children traveling to India! Young Israeli Limor Cohen pleads in emotional letter to newspaper,” Yediot Aharonot, December 31, 1995. By Rimon, N. |
Correlation of reference to State of Israel (including law enforcement) and its actions in addressing the serious problem of drug using backpackers | “Police considering sending narcotics detectives to Goa beach,” Yediot Aharonot, December 28, 1995. By Meiri, D., Travelsi-Hadad, T. & Baum, I.; “Indian embassy prepares list of Israelis in Goa zone,” Yediot Aharonot, December 29, 1995. By Meiri, D. & Yakir, Y.; “Appointed committee for Israeli drug problems abroad,” ITIM (Israel News Agency), January 8, 1996; “Tightening cooperation between Israeli and Indian police forces: Israeli police representatives may go to India to investigate drug parties,” Haaretz, December 28, 1995. By Shapira, R.; “Police afraid of pressure in ‘Goa affair’: Indians may arrest Israelis,” Haaretz, January 3, 1996. |
According to Kingdon’s three streams [
23], the first phase constitutes the problem stream. In our case, the media dominated this stream by defining drug-using backpackers as a problem that potentially required attention. As such, it could now be seen as a political matter. Attention attraction is a major achievement, which must be acted on quickly before attention shifts elsewhere. Only a few problems can reach and occupy the top level of any given policy agenda. This is partly due to the powerful competition for attention [
23,
24].
As noted, information on the topic was scarce. The formal system in place for the supervision of drug use in the State of Israel was not yet prepared. This was a new problem previously judged to be marginal [
36,
42]. In fact, policymakers tend to have ambiguous aims and problem-solving approaches. In contrast, interested actors are more driven to quickly research options and produce viable solutions [
24].
From the Multiple Streams Approach [
23,
24], this can be seen as ushering in the second policy stream. This pertains to the many potentially available policy solutions to a set of problems. The policy stream originates with communities invested in policy solutions such as intellectuals, professionals, bureaucrats, and interest groups in various fields.
While attention lurches quickly from issue to issue, viable solutions involving major policy change take time to develop. To deal with disconnect between fickle attention and slow policy development, policymakers develop widely accepted solutions in anticipation of future problems. They then find the right time to exploit or focus attention on a relevant problem [
23,
24]. In the case of drug-using backpackers, policymakers failed to predict this specific problem and did not have prepared solutions ready to deploy.
In the attempt to control the situation caused by media pressure, a quick and arguably rash solution was proposed by the Director General of IADA. Concerned parents with sons and daughters in India would be sent on a chartered flight to accompany their children back to Israel. However, this proposal was published in newspapers before it was officially authorized. Ultimately, only a few parents responded to the offer. The proposed chartered flight never materialized [
1,
36]. Only after this first aborted solution did policymakers start to devise new solutions to this problem.
A SCDAA meeting took place on January 23, 1996, at the height of media coverage. This time, the subject was “The growing phenomenon of Israeli young people who consume hard drugs in India and the Far East (Drug parties in Goa and going to temples in India)” [
43]. In this committee, policymakers claimed that drug use in the younger generation was symptomatic of escapism, lack of social direction, and absence of values. Also, the committee denounced media exaggeration of the phenomenon. It was decided that IADA would find relevant solutions to these social and health problems.
At that point, policymakers were aware of the existence of a moral-social-health problem. Yet it was not at all clear if the situation described in the media was authentic, fabricated, or exaggerated [
1]. Thus, in the early stages of IADA’s formulation of a drug policy and solutions (in 1996), it was still important to confirm its objective proportions. Data needed to be validated and more questions asked: Which drugs were being using? Where were they using them? [
1,
36].
Correct data is required for the creation of a good drug policy. IADA professionals began to encourage research and survey studies to elicit more data on rates of backpacker drug use [
36]. In these research endeavors [
10,
19,
33,
36,
44,
45], it became apparent that drug use rates were indeed as high as the media reported. According to IADA, a drug policy was justified, with activities and allocation of funds targeting the backpacker population.
The issue was now taken seriously and remained on the public agenda in several arenas. The first and dominant arena was the
institutional arena, led by IADA. They established the ‘Backpackers Project’ in mid-1996, emphasizing prevention and awareness. This included providing medical and legal information on the dangers of drug use, prevention tools, and research activities. Pamphlets were distributed containing relevant medical and legal information to traveler clinics at the Ministry of Health [
1,
36]. Even though Goa was the locus of media incitement, the ‘Backpackers Project’ encompassed most Asian and South American backpacker destinations. The Foreign Ministry also established a special department to address drug problems in the backpacking community working in collaboration with IADA [
11,
36].
In the
media arena, the issue continued to influence the public agenda. During this period, media coverage of the issue became routine. Sample headlines included, “A message from the Beer Yaakov (mental hospital) isolation ward: ‘Don’t mess with drugs and hallucinogenic mushrooms in Goa’” [
46]; “Conspiring against Israeli backpackers in Goa” [
47]; and “Israeli receives 10-year prison sentence in India” [
48].
During this period, the issue also gained momentum in the
academic arena. Researchers showed significant interest in IADA’s initiatives, career academics and graduate students alike [
44,
45,
49]. However, there was still no official response for the treatment of backpacking drug-abuse victims. They were treated by private psychiatrists and psychologists or in mental hospitals.
1.3 Third period – 2001 until the present: Drug policy changed from prevention to harm reduction. The focus was now on specific therapeutic-treatment approaches for backpacking victims of drug abuse
During the third period, the attitude of the Israeli establishment and general public began to soften a bit. It was recognized that young adult backpacker behavior could not be completely controlled [
1,
36]. Thus, the problem came to be defined in therapeutic-treatment terms. The solution now focused on treatment of drug-abusing backpackers perceived as the central core of the problem [
36]. Drug policy shifted to unofficial focus on harm reduction, providing tips for backpackers, and information on what to do in case of emergencies such as acute psychosis due to substance abuse. This change in perspective was expressed through the development of new responses, as evidenced by two unique frameworks. First, in 2001,
Kfar Izun (“Harmony Village”) was founded in Israel for rehabilitating backpackers from acute psychosis due to substance abuse. Second, in 2003 the ‘Israeli Warm Home’ was established in India, an open house providing an information resource center and first response for those negatively affected by drug use [
2,
50]. The Israeli Warm Home was a partial attempt to treat young backpackers with a harm reduction approach. Although IADA supported a complete ban of illicit drugs [
28], the Israeli Warm Home implicitly recognized the improbability of entirely preventing backpacker drug use [
2,
50]. Additionally, in recent years health insurance agencies in Israel have crafted policies to include rescue and airfare provisions for backpackers affected by drug use [
2].
During this period, the issue remained on the public agenda in several arenas. In the once dominant
institutional arena led by IADA, an attitude shift took place, and the Backpackers Project was shuttered in 2006. However, both
Kfar Izun and the Israeli Warm Home continued to receive support. In 2008, IADA published
Backpackers and Drug Abuse: A Documentary, Research, Treatment and Prevention Perspective. This book is the first document of its kind. It consists of a mix of 26 chapters on backpacker descriptions of their subjective experiences and scientific research in the field from academia, therapists, and professionals [
1,
36,
51]. In addition, workshops were held for young soldiers prior to their release from the military. These focused on inherent dangers of drug use and long-term consequences [
2]. In the
institutional-
political arena, the issue remained relevant. Most political activity revolved around committee meetings of the SCDAA in which the problem continued to be debated [
52‐
54]. A special department was established in the Foreign Ministry to continue to address this problem as well as the
media arena, which continued to publish articles on a regular basis.