The most notable finding in this prior study was the ways in which connection to the land was interwoven throughout all responses. Participants’ comments regarding physical, spiritual, mental, and emotional health often referred to attitudes and practices that affirmed a fundamental connection to their land. This connection informed individual and community efforts to maintain well-being (such as regular hunting trips and the acculturation of young people in this regard), and also seemed to provide a bridge between different spiritual beliefs (that is, whether participants characterized themselves as Christian or traditional, they saw the land as foundational to their faith). Related to this was the almost universal concern for “challenges” that entailed some form of disconnect from the land (e.g., relying on store-bought food rather than hunted food, as well as the increasing role of television and video gaming in the lives of young people). This may hold implications for health and healing initiatives both within and beyond this community. If a sense of connection to the land is a central feature of well-being, then it may need to be a central feature of mental health interventions.
The goal of the present study was to contribute to a deeper understanding of land-based interventions and how these interventions may be applied within Indigenous communities, ultimately enhancing the quality of mental health care and improving outcomes. To accomplish this goal, we conducted interviews with three community members—including one individual directly involved in managing a land-based program in northern Ontario—who shared their personal experiences of well-being associated with being on the land. We then summarized from these interviews participants’ perspectives regarding the background, central components, advantages, and challenges of the program.
Method
The method employed for this study was phenomenological, drawing on the work of Giorgi (
1985,
2009) as well as Colaizzi (
1973,
1978), who emphasized the importance of focusing on the experiences of participants in their own words. Other research along these lines has been characterized as descriptive phenomenology (Shosha
2012; Welch
2011), phenomenography (Marton
1981,
1986), and thematic analysis (Braun and Clarke
2006). A particularly important feature of our method was facilitating dialog as a component of both data collection and data analysis. With regard to data collection, we drew upon the scholarship of Churchill (
2000,
2012) and Walsh (
2004) by facilitating a conversation with and among participants. In practical terms, this entailed favoring talking with participants and eliciting spontaneous accounts of their experiences rather than employing structured protocols or surveys. With respect to data analysis, our method was inspired by dialogical phenomenology (Halling et al.
1994) in that we collaborated to discern key features and common themes across participants. In contrast to prior phenomenological research, we also identified for the purposes of comparison programs similar in orientation to the one described by participants in our study.
Overview of Project George
Project George was created in 2009 to address the large number of youth suicides occurring in the local Moose Factory and Moosonee area (Moose Cree First Nation,
n.d.). With advice from Elder George E. Echum, Charlie Cheechoo spearheaded the project with the goal of reconnecting the youth to the land and Cree culture in order to prevent further fatalities (Moose Cree First Nation
n.d.). The program aims “to create a community where youth are hopeful about their future, and strong and resilient in dealing with life’s challenges” (Moose Cree First Nation
n.d., p. 4). Funded primarily through donations and in part by the Government of Ontario, this all-season camp is run by volunteers and guided by the experience of Elders, allowing kids to learn about and gain experience with “traditional Cree bush skills” (Moose Cree First Nation
n.d., p. 3). All youth from ages 12–20 are able to participate; however, the project is mainly designed for “at-risk” youth who need significant support (Moose Cree First Nation
n.d.).
Participants
This study involved three participants affiliated with the only land-based intervention offered in this particular community. One of the participants was previously known to the second author through his work in the region. That participant invited two additional participants, a hospital board member supporting local mental health interventions, and a new staff member planning to continue the land-based program following the retirement of the current director. The three individuals were offered an honorarium for their participation, were informed of their right to withdraw from the study at any time, and were assured that data collected was in compliance with OCAP principles, tri-council policy regarding research with Indigenous populations, and had been approved by an institutional Research Ethics Board.
Procedures
The authors invited the three participants, all known to each other within the same community, to take part in a conversation regarding the land-based intervention with which they are affiliated. This conversation took place amidst the current director’s plans to transition out of that role, and the new staff member’s intention to work towards directing future land-based programs. In attendance was the second author (facilitator) and two research assistants. Following a territorial acknowledgement and opening words, an overview of the meeting was provided by the facilitator. Following this introduction, the facilitator posed three open-ended questions for conversation:
1.
What are the key components of this land-based intervention?
2.
What are the challenges in offering a land-based intervention?
3.
What are the main steps in transferring knowledge about land-based interventions?
The conversation was audio recorded and the research assistants recorded behavioral notes. The facilitator posed brief follow-up questions (e.g., “Can you tell me more about that?”). The resulting conversation lasted approximately 2 h. Following this meeting, the research assistants transcribed the audio recording and the transcriptions were analyzed qualitatively in order to find apparent themes from the conversation.
Transcribed interviews were subjected to the following stages of qualitative analysis: The first author, an expert in hermeneutic research, highlighted key words and phrases pertaining to the following categories: (1) referents to key components of land-based interventions, (2) referents to challenges in offering land-based interventions, (3) referents to the transfer of knowledge regarding land-based interventions, and (4) referents to aspects not readily categorized within the preceding three categories. These initial categorized data were then reviewed by the second author, and refinements were made until consensus was obtained. Once a list of common themes was articulated, participants were invited back for a second meeting.
The categorized data were brought back to the participants and reviewed for apparent inconsistencies, omissions, or alternative interpretations, and were then edited in light of participants’ elaborations. At this second meeting, participants were presented with the themes and asked: “In trying to understand what was said at our last meeting, we have come up with the following list of themes. Please let me know if you have anything to add, or if we have misunderstood anything and you would like something changed or removed.” At this meeting, participants verified, adjusted, and expanded upon themes. These additional comments were recorded and once again transcribed in order to further clarify the list of themes.
Discussion
The land-based program examined in this current study is one of many small programs across Canada. At present, there exists a variety of on-the-land interventions for Indigenous people, including the following four examples from different locations across Canada, all of which are based on Indigenous culture, rely on the knowledge held by Elders, and involve intergenerational knowledge transfer.
The Addictions Recovery Program, located in British Columbia, was developed in 1990 by Carrier Sekani Family Services, a non-profit agency supporting 11 local bands of First Nations (Dobson and Brazzoni
2016). The program strives to “‘create a healing environment by utilizing a holistic approach that promotes a cultural lifestyle free from addictions and restores a sense of pride in the Carrier and Sekani Culture’” (Carrier Sekani Family Services
n.d., para. 1). Funded by the Government of Canada, it runs for 28 days at a camp on the traditional territory of Ormond Lake, and is administered by a team of addiction counselors, a therapist, a cultural worker, and camp staff (Dobson and Brazzoni
2016). Traditional practices form a significant part of the program, and include smudging, sweats, hunting, preparing traditional medicines, as well as making cultural crafts such as drums and dream catchers (Dobson and Brazzoni
2016). Though the program is grounded in tradition, it is perhaps most focused on balancing these practices with more Western approaches to treatment, such as engaging in sessions with a clinical counselor or therapist to develop personalized goals for treatment and learning how to prevent relapses (Dobson and Brazzoni
2016). As a result, the program promotes “two-eyed seeing” which, according to Mi’kmaw Elder Albert Marshall, involves appreciating the strengths of both Indigenous and Western knowledge in all their forms (Institute for Integrative Science & Health
2013, as cited in Dobson and Brazzoni
2016).
The Take a Kid Trapping and Harvesting program, located in the Northwest Territories, was created in 2002 in response to the fact that most trappers and harvesters were older adults (Department of Industry, Tourism, and Investment [ITI]
2014). The goal of the project is to promote youth involvement in these traditions through the transfer of knowledge, specifically by “introduc[ing] Northwest Territories (NWT) youth to the traditional life-skills practices of hunting, trapping, fishing, and outdoor survival” (ITI
2014, p. 1). Funded by the Government of Canada, the program is run by ITI alongside “the Departments of Municipal and Community Affairs (MACA), Environment and Natural Resources (ENR) and Agriculture Canada” (ITI
2014, p. 1). A unique feature of this program is that projects are mainly carried out through schools, as well as other Indigenous organizations (ITI
2014). As an example, 46 trapping, harvesting, and hunting projects were carried out in five regions of the Northwest Territories from 2013 to 2014 (ITI
2014). Specific activities for youth, often provided using the knowledge of community Elders, include setting traps and nets, preparing pelts, and learning about navigation and survival skills (ITI
2014).
The Caring for the Circle Within program, located in the Yukon Territory, was developed in 2010 by the Kwanlin Dun First Nation (KDFN) community to focus on the complex needs of individuals suffering from substance abuse, grief, violence, and the after effects of residential schools (KDFN Justice Department
2010). Its mission is to “provide a supportive, land-based, holistic and compassionate environment based on the integration of traditional and modern knowledge in order to create balance and self-empowerment” (KDFN Justice Department
2010, p. 2). Funded by the Government of Yukon, the Federal Government, and the KDFN, the land-based healing project is open to all Yukon Peoples—First Nation or otherwise—and is held at the Jackson Lake Healing Centre, where participants stay for the extent of the program (KDFN Justice Department
2010). The camp is run by individuals specializing in both traditional and Western methods, to provide a balanced approach to treatment (Plaskett and Stewart
2010). Furthermore, a key aspect of the healing process is believed to involve “redefining one’s identity as a First Nation person” (Plaskett and Stewart
2010, p. ii). As a result, traditional activities such as hunting, fishing, canoeing, and gathering medicines, as well as beading, singing, and making drums and knives are a core part of the program (KDFN Justice Department
2010). In addition, a perhaps unique focus of the camp includes learning to foster connections through problem solving and relationship building, to such a degree that, during the pilot program, individuals formed social support groups that stayed in touch after the program ended (KDFN Justice Department
2010).
The Chisasibi Land-Based Healing Program, located in Quebec, was developed in 2012 by the Chisasibi Miyupimaatisiiun Committee, alongside the Nishiiyuu Miyupimaatisiiun Department, as a response to a demand for more community-based services that directly addressed the needs of members (Chisasibi Wellness
2014). In fact, it is considered to be “the first formal and structured land-based program in Eeyou Istchee (Cree ancestral territory)” (Radu et al.
2014, p. 88). The components of the program are based on Elder Eddie Pash’s Land-Based Healing Model (LBHM), which is meant to be used as a framework for communities to adapt to suit their own needs (Chisasibi Wellness
2014; Radu et al.
2014). It is funded in part by the Cree Board of Health and Social Services of James Bay (CBHSSJB) and Health Canada (Chisasibi Wellness
n.d.), and is designed to help individuals struggling with substance abuse and various types of trauma, including residential schools, by aiming to “strengthen the ability of participants to lead a healthy, fulfilling and resilient life” (Chisasibi Wellness
2014, p. 3). The program is available to all members of the community, either by their own choice or who are referred as a sentencing alternative (Radu et al.
2014).
Founded on the Cree view of wellness, which reflects the belief that “the land and cultural traditions have healing power” (Chisasibi Wellness
2014, p. 3), the 10-day camp is held on Cree hunting grounds and run by an Elder, program coordinator, healer/counselor, office manager, and camp helpers (Chisasibi Wellness
2014). During the program, individuals are taught Cree history and connection to nature, engage in group discussions, see a traditional counselor/healer using Cree, and sometimes Western, treatment methods, and gain experience hunting, trapping, setting up camp, and making tools (Chisasibi Wellness
2014). These land-based programs, while varying in scope and specific practices, all affirm the health and healing potential of reconnecting Indigenous people to a fundamental relationship with their land. These programs also heed the call for “strengthening ethnocultural identity [and] community integration” in order to improve the mental health of Indigenous communities (Kirmayer et al.
2003, S15). As noted by Kirmayer et al. (
2011), “Aboriginal notions of personhood root identity in a person’s connections to the land and environment” (p. 88); therefore, “the natural environment provides not only sustenance but also sources of soothing, emotion regulation, guidance, and healing” (p. 89).
There is a growing awareness that dispossession from the land has been a significant factor in the development of addiction and other mental health problems among Indigenous people (Brady
1995; Richmond and Ross
2009). Dispossession affects Indigenous health by altering the fundamental “cultural connections between land and identity” (Richmond and Ross
2009, p. 410) and the “special and spiritual relationship with the land” (Brady
1995, p. 1494) that sustain a sense of well-being. Hence, mental health and healing necessarily entail some sense of “renewed contact with the land, regaining what was lost” (Brady
1995, p. 1494)—perhaps the key feature of land-based interventions.
Intergenerational connection, another feature of the land-based intervention in this study, has been characterized by others as “a tool for cultural continuity and empowerment” (Radu et al.
2014, p. 96). In examining wellness, unhappiness, and community change among Inuit in Nuavut, one group of researchers (Kral et al.
2011) found that “Intergenerational segregation is an increasingly common feature of community life” (p. 432) despite the fact that “family life is essential to Inuit conceptions of well-being” (p. 435). These researchers noted that “Inuit youth feel increasingly alone with experiences of a global society that diverge from the life experiences of their parents and elders” (ibid.). While there are many complex factors contributing to this isolation, it seems likely that increasing the sense of connection across generations can repair this experience of isolation.
In addition to connection across generations, the land-based intervention explored in this study was oriented towards building relationships among program participants. This is consistent with other research suggesting that “fostering positive relationships is the principal goal of Indigenous healing” (Radu et al.
2014, p. 95). However, as highlighted by McCormick (
1996) and LaFromboise (
1988), the degree to which typical health interventions affirm individuality may run counter to this relational emphasis. Indeed, even the structure of many mental health interventions, wherein treatment occurs in isolation from community, seems problematic from this viewpoint (Dauphinais et al.
1981). Regarding suicide specifically, Wexler and Gone (
2012) point out that the Western approach to suicide prevention, which involves “referring the suicidal person to the mental health system” (p. 802), could actually “further alienate the person who is suicidal from the social and cultural context in which effective assistance is most likely to emerge” (p. 804). Yet physical isolation in the Western sense is not the only issue with this form of treatment. In an Indigenous context, isolation has more to do with a lack of what is often considered a spiritual connection between individuals (Radu et al.
2014). It is therefore likely that programs that help re-establish relational connections among Indigenous people may be both curative and preventative with respect to mental health problems.
The land-based program that was the focus of this study, along with comparable land-based programs across Canada, affirms the value of (re)building a bridge between Indigenous youth and their peers, elders, and ancestors, as well as their culture and traditions. As stated by Radu et al. (
2014), “healing in the bush, especially for younger generations, means learning about their ancestors [and] reconnecting with history and the physical landscape” (p. 95). Thus, by participating in traditional activities on the land, individuals are (re)connected not only to each other, but also to their past relatives and the spirits of nature. It is in this way that land-based programs may help to repair a history of trauma for Indigenous communities. For example, in a study of resilience among Inuit youth, Kral and colleagues (Kral et al.
2014) found that participants enjoyed cultural activities and “indicated that being on the land was good for them” (p. 682). Support for land-based programs is also reflected in green space research, which suggests that being in nature is healing beyond the specific mental health issues experienced by Indigenous people (Van den Berg et al.
2010). As a result, these types of programs may be applicable within a variety of communities.
Echoing reports by others (Kirmayer et al.
2003; Lavoie et al.
2007; Recollet et al.
2011), participants in the current study spoke of obstacles faced by Indigenous healing interventions such as the land-based program. Issues regarding funding, jurisdiction, and transportation, among others, make carrying out these programs no easy matter. Yet despite these challenges, numerous communities are establishing such programs. Indeed, the very acts of creating and implementing these programs call upon collaborating relationships and intergenerational connection, as well as affirming the importance of the land and related traditions—the very features of wellness that the interventions aim to foster among participants. Perhaps, the best way to facilitate the growth of these programs is invite those involved to share their stories. Our hope is that qualitative research can assist in this process. By privileging community members’ perspectives in their own words, this research affirms the value of community-centered approaches that build research and intervention programs from the “inside out.”