Background
A large body of evidence shows that adverse events in childhood and adolescence are associated with an increased likelihood of delinquent and risk behavior. For example, adverse childhood experiences, such as sexual abuse and household dysfunction, have been shown to be associated with teenage drug and alcohol use, violence perpetration, bullying, as well as early sexual intercourse [
1‐
4]. Duke and colleagues [
4] also documented a co-occurrence of adverse childhood events based on a large scale sample of adolescents aged 10–19 years in the United States (US) and showed that adolescents who had experienced multiple adverse events were more likely to report violence perpetration towards others.
Adolescents growing up in slum settings encounter a number of adverse life events, including extreme poverty, poor housing, and persistent exposure to neighborhood crime and violence, which are significantly associated with delinquency [
5‐
9]. Multiple pathways through which adverse life events lead to delinquency and behavioral problems have been suggested in the literature. Simons and Burt [
9], for example, postulate that adverse conditions, including community disadvantage and neighborhood crime, promote social schemas—a hostile, distrustful view of people, the need for immediate gratification, and a cynical view of social norms and codes of conduct—that support delinquent or criminal behavior. Gerson and Rappaport [
10] also suggest that exposure to violence can lead to reactive aggression.
Although the bulk of existing studies examining associations between adversity and risk and delinquent behavior have been conducted in high-income settings in the global north, a few studies conducted in sub-Saharan Africa have documented a higher likelihood of problem behaviors among young people reporting adverse life events. One study conducted in the urban slums of Nairobi, Kenya, for example, found a strong association between self-reported coerced sexual activity and alcohol use among young people aged 12–24 years [
11]. Similarly, researchers in a multi-country study conducted in Burkina Faso, Ghana, Malawi and Uganda found that adolescents reporting adverse childhood events, including physical abuse and living in a household that suffered because of a household member’s heavy drinking, were more likely to report substance use [
12]. In the latter study, researchers further observed a graded association between the number of adverse events reported and the likelihood of self-reported substance use.
Empirical research on adverse childhood events has tended to focus on the risk factors for, outcomes of and potential pathways through which adverse or traumatic events in childhood may lead to various outcomes. However, living in adversity does not inevitably lead to delinquency. Many young people growing up in contexts marked by community disadvantage and high levels of violence and dysfunction are resilient and often able to overcome “the negative effects of risk exposure, cop[e] successfully with traumatic experiences and avoid the negative trajectories associated with risks.” (p. 399) [
13]. Indeed, factors that are protective for youth in several settings, such as religiosity [
14], may arguably take on more salience among youth at particular risk of engaging in delinquent behavior, in buffering them from their circumstances, and helping them find alternative ways of coping with adversity.
In this study, we examine the extent to which exposure to adverse life events was associated with delinquent behavior among 3,064 adolescents aged 12–19 years living in two slum settlements in Nairobi, Kenya’s capital city. Further, in order to suggest how alternative positive pathways for youth living in extreme poverty may be attained, we examine whether parental monitoring, religiosity, and self-esteem are protective in situations of adversity by assessing whether these variables moderate the association between adverse life events and delinquent behavior.
Slums or urban informal settlements, which are ubiquitous in most African cities [
15], are a unique environment to examine the behavioral ramifications of exposure to adverse life events. Slum settlements are characterized by insecurity, extreme deprivation, lack of basic infrastructure, limited socio-economic and educational opportunities, and high levels of violence [
15]. As noted by Ompad [
16], “slum dwellers are often a particularly vulnerable group for a variety of reasons including precarious or nonexistent land tenure, lack of urban resource infrastructure, and tenuous relationships with governments and law enforcement” (p. i43).
To guide our examination of the behavioral consequences of adverse childhood events as well as potential moderators of the association between these adverse experiences and delinquency, we draw on constructs from Jessor’s Problem Behavior Theory [
14,
17,
18]. The framework posits that behavior is influenced by protective factors and risk factors at individual or contextual levels [
18]. For example, at the contextual level, protective factors, such as parental monitoring, religiosity, or perceived self-worth, promote positive (pro-social or health enhancing) behavior. Risk factors, on the other hand, increase the likelihood of risk or problem behavior. Protective factors may not only inhibit delinquency, but may also in the event of adverse events, moderate the impact of exposure to risk. We also draw on the literature on resilience, which highlights successful adaptations in the presence of risk or adversity and underscores the importance of protective factors [
13,
19,
20].
We postulate that adolescents reporting adverse life events would report higher levels of delinquent behavior and that there would be a graded association between the reported number of adverse life events and the level of engagement in delinquent behavior. However, we also hypothesize that in line with both the Problem Behavior Theory and the concept of resilience, young people who report adverse life events, but who also report high levels of the protective factors (religiosity, parental monitoring, and self-esteem) would be less likely to engage in delinquent behavior compared with peers reporting low levels of these protective factors. Finally, we also examine whether there are gender differences in these associations.
Discussion
An extensive body of research exists on the links between adverse or traumatic events in childhood and behavioral and psychosocial outcomes later in life. However, much of this research is based on studies conducted in the global north. Further, existing literature tends to lay emphasis on the risks associated with exposure to adversity with less attention focused on protective factors that may buffer individuals from the negative outcomes stemming from adverse life experiences. In this study, we advance the literature in two ways. First, we examine the extent to which experience of adverse life events was associated with delinquent behavior among adolescents aged 12–19 years who live in two slum settlements in Nairobi, Kenya. Second, we examine whether three protective factors, which are indicators of different domains of young people’s lives; individual level (self-esteem, religiosity) and household level (parental monitoring), moderated the association between adverse life events and delinquent behavior.
Adversity and delinquency
We found that more than half of the adolescents lived in households characterized by either food insecurity or recent parental unemployment, and almost a fifth had dealt with multiple adverse events. Consistent with previous studies [
4,
34], we observed a strong association between the number of adverse life events and delinquency. However, the findings from our study also demonstrate the role that protective factors may play in moderating the association between adverse life events and delinquent behavior, and highlight important gender differences.
Parental monitoring
For both males and females, we observed a significant interaction between parental monitoring and the number of adverse life events, with adolescents with high levels of parental monitoring also reporting lower levels of delinquency even at high levels of adversity. Parental closeness is an important support and buffer for children living in contexts characterized by high levels of adversity because the close ties between the parent and child allow for greater self-expression and enables parents to provide better care for their children [
40]. In addition, close parental monitoring may help young people adjust positively when exposed to external stressors [
40]. Our study adds international breadth to the large literature on the association between parental involvement and delinquency, especially among youth in resource-poor contexts [
5‐
8] where literature from youth living in extreme poverty in low and middle income countries is limited. The positive influence of parents found here suggests their useful focus in youth interventions conducted in resource-poor settings. Indeed existing studies suggest that targeting parents may be an important approach to reduce both the incidence of and outcomes of adverse life experiences. One study conducted in the US [
41], for example, provides evidence that a population-based parenting intervention can reduce child maltreatment rates. Further investigations of whether similar programs can be implemented in resource-poor settings in low and middle countries and achieve similar results would be useful in informing policies and programs to enhance positive youth development in contexts marked by pervasive adversity.
Religiosity
Similar to other studies in the global north [
36,
42,
43], we found that young people reporting high religiosity had lower delinquency scores even in situations of high adversity. Overall, it is likely that religious teachings enable young people to cope with possibly traumatic events in ‘positive’ ways by proscribing delinquent behavior, enhancing self-control, and shaping pro-social attitudes and beliefs while at the same time providing support to those who have experienced adverse events [
44]. In Kenya, over 85% of people say religion is very important to their lives [
45]. Previous research in Kenya [
46‐
49] has highlighted the importance of religion in enabling youth to cope with difficult life situations and adversity. Our findings further bridge the gap between the declared importance of religion in the lives of Kenyans and its significance in shaping youth outcomes in adverse situations and contexts. Religion may influence youth not only through activities such as regular church attendance, but also through attending youth groups, and engaging in religious coping activities such as personal prayer. As poor youth transition to adulthood and are persistently exposed to adverse and sometimes criminogenic settings [
9,
50], religiosity may therefore not only shape their self-perceptions, but also the kinds of moral rules and regulations they take on from their environment.
Self-esteem
There has been a debate in the literature in the global north as to whether self-esteem has an effect on youth delinquency, with studies finding no effect, mixed effects or positive effects [
37]. In this study, we observed a direct association between self-esteem and delinquency for males and females with higher levels of self-esteem associated with a lower likelihood of reporting delinquent behavior. A study conducted in Rwanda by Betancourt et al. [
40] among children affected by HIV/AIDS, their caregivers, and other key informants also identified self-esteem as a key protective factor in situations of adversity. In the Rwandan study, children with high self-esteem were viewed as being more courageous, better able to overcome difficulty, and able to believe in a better future despite hardships experienced in the present. These findings suggest that interventions that enhance positive self-perceptions among adolescents who are prone to adversity may improve behavioral outcomes.
Gender differences
While parental monitoring was significant for both males and females, we found significant gender differences in religiosity and self-esteem in ameliorating delinquency among youth. The gender differences in the role of religiosity in this study are noteworthy. While a recent study in the US found a gender invariant protective effect of religion on delinquency [
51], in this study, the buffering effect of religiosity in this setting was only significant for males. It is plausible that because females reported higher levels of religiosity, lower levels of variability in religiosity among them may mask the potentially protective role that religiosity plays. Further, the protective features of religion for boys may include the ability to engage in social institutions, such as church and religious youth groups, that provide sanctions for deviant behavior, models for conventional behavior and positive youth development [
13,
14], and provide concrete alternatives to gangs and other groups that are commonly associated with male delinquency.
We also found important gender differences in the role of self-esteem in buffering the association between adverse life events and delinquency. Self-esteem was only significantly protective for females. Our findings are in line with previous research in the US which found significant associations between low self-esteem, early sex, and risky sexual partnerships among adolescent females [
52]. Previous research shows that males score slightly higher on measures of global self-esteem scales with the largest effect of age observed in late adolescence [
53]. It is therefore plausible that males in this study may have a lower level of variability in self-esteem making it difficult to observe the moderating effect of self-esteem. Although we were unable to assess whether high self-esteem precedes the adverse events, we posit that young females with high levels of self-esteem have more positive self-perceptions and are able to constructively cope with stress in contexts of adversity.
Overall, our findings on gender differences in the buffering effects of religiosity for males and self-esteem for females, suggest potentially gendered pathways and mechanisms through which youth cope with adverse situations and are protected or buffered from delinquency. One reason might be linked to the gendered types of delinquency in which adolescents engage, with male delinquency linked to deviant peer groups, thus suggesting why alternative positive groups and institutions may be protective; while female delinquency or problem behavior (particularly with respect to early sexual behavior) may be linked to low self-esteem and self-image, suggesting why higher self-esteem is protective. More research is needed to examine whether these findings and potential mechanisms hold in other settings.
Limitations
Our study should be interpreted in light of several limitations. First, this study examines a limited range of measures on delinquency and possible factors that may affect delinquency. Previous studies conducted in other settings [
4] have shown that adverse childhood events are associated with both interpersonal violence perpetration and self-directed violence. Given the dearth of literature on delinquency among youth populations living in resource-poor settings in low and middle income countries, further studies that examine the prevalence and a wider range of precursors of delinquency in these settings are warranted. Second, our data preclude causal interpretations. Future research should examine whether these associations persist over time and are predictive of future delinquency. Third, this study is based on self-reported data on sensitive behaviors as well as experiences, and may be subject to self-report bias despite our efforts to assure participants that all data would be confidential. These limitations notwithstanding, the study confirms findings from other studies, largely in the global north, that demonstrate a strong link between adversity and delinquency. The study also illuminates key protective factors that may attenuate the risk for delinquency among adolescents living in challenging urban contexts in sub-Saharan Africa.
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no competing interests.
Author contributions
CWK conceptualized the manuscript idea, reviewed literature, and prepared the first draft of the manuscript. PE made substantive contributions to the conceptualization of the manuscript, supported the literature review, and performed the statistical analysis. SM made substantive contributions to the conceptualization of the study and manuscript preparation. DB made substantive contributions to the conceptualization of the manuscript and supported the statistical analysis. All authors critically reviewed the manuscript. All authors are aware that the manuscript is being submitted to the journal. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.