Introduction
Depressive disorders (DDs) are commonly occurring, serious and recurrent illnesses [
1‐
3]. When depression strikes early in adolescence, it has more serious consequences, often heralding chronic and recurrent problems into adulthood [
4‐
7]. For example, a series of meta-analyses showed that depressed youth have a continued risk for persistence of depressive episodes into adulthood, and a 2-to 3-fold increased odd for adulthood depressive and anxiety disorders [
4‐
7]. Systematic review and meta-analyses also showed that adolescent depression propagates difficulties across the lifespan [
8], elevates a significant disease burden [
9] and the risk of early death [
10,
11]. Longitudinal studies and large-scale meta-analyses on the development of depression showed that middle-to-late adolescence (ages 15–19) has a greater risk for depression onset [
12‐
14]. Therefore, it is worth determining the magnitude, distribution of age of onset, correlates, and receiving treatment of DDs during the high-risk period between late adolescence and early adulthood, especially during the critical transitional period when youth compete for the national college entrance exam (CEE) and admit to college. Then, appropriate prevention and therapeutic programs at the crucial time can be designed to reduce the impact of the disorder before a chronic course is established.
Although prevalence estimates of depression vary with the time period of reference and method of assessment [
1], numerous reports have suggested that adolescents and young adults experience high rates of depression [
15‐
18]. A systematic review using data from national surveys on drug use and health in the United States showed that the 12-month prevalence of major depressive episodes was 11.3% in adolescents ages 12–17 and 9.6% in young adults ages 18 to 25 [
17]. Data from the WHO Mental Health (WMH) survey showed that the international pooled 12-month prevalence of major depressive disorders (MDD) among college students (ages 18–22) was approximately 4.5–7.7% [
15]. In rapidly developing China, a systematic review showed that using clinical diagnostic instruments, the pooled point prevalence of MDD was 1.3% in children and adolescents aged 5–18 [
18]. A survey from Jilin University in northeastern China also showed that the lifetime, 12-month, and 1-month prevalence of MDD were 3.9%, 2.4%, and 0.3%, respectively, among college students [
16]. In contrast to the numerous epidemiological studies of DDs conducted among either adolescents or early adults, no research has focused on the crucial transition period from pre-CEE [
19,
20] to post-matriculation [
21] among young people, especially in China.
It is well known that stress [
22,
23] and sociocultural factors [
24‐
26] play important roles in the occurrence of adolescent and young adult depression. As 1 in 4 people are aged between 10 and 24, 90% of these young people live in low-income and middle- income countries (LMICs) [
27,
28]. In LMICs, young people’s health tends to be more severely affected by cultural, socio-economic and environmental risk factors than in high-income countries, and there are fewer resources to mitigate such risks [
28]. Therefore, it is valuable to survey the epidemiology of depression in most of the world’s young people, especially the young people from a large middle-income country of China [
29].
Currently, Chinese youth are facing more tremendous socioeconomic transformations than their predecessors. In China, a “cultural trait” effect of deep respect for academic achievements [
30] persists in education and economic development [
31,
32] and academic tests have a significant function for thousands of years [
33]. Up to date, Chinese young people suffer from higher levels of academic stress due to the competitive education system and high parental expectations of academic performance, which are particularly closely associated with high school and college entrance examinations [
34‐
36]. To enter college, Chinese youth need to take the competitive once-a-year national CEE, commonly known as
gaokao. The
gaokao is framed as the most important event in Chinese students’ life [
32,
37,
38] because the scores of the
gaokao determine whether one enters college and, if so, what kind of ranked college [
37,
39]. To some extent, the college to which one is accepted determines their future job, salary level, and social position or class, thereby affecting their whole life [
40‐
42]. Therefore, students generally prepare for this exam starting at an early age and spend nearly all of their time studying, especially before CEE [
43,
44]. Thus, the period from pre-CEE to post-matriculation is the most stressful period for young people because youth during this period need to intensively prepare the CEE [
19,
20], apply for college admission [
41‐
43], and then adapt to the independent life after matriculation [
21]. Thus, a higher proportion of depression onset might occur in this stage compared to other age periods for Chinese youth.
The high incidence and detrimental consequences of adolescent and young adult depression during this developmental epoch have attracted much concern in China [
45,
46]. Over 10 million high school seniors take the CEE to compete for 6–8 million seats through a centralized college admissions system each year [
37,
47], and the gross enrollment rate of higher education accounting for the population of this age group from 2017 to 2021 ranged from 45.7 to 57.8% in China [
48]. However, to the best of our knowledge, there is a striking lack of the basic information about the distribution of DDs among adolescents and young adults during this critical developmental epoch in China. Thus, it is vital to understand the incidence, prevalence, age of onset, sociopsychological correlates, and service use of DDs among youth who take the CEE and compete for matriculation, so as to precisely design preventive intervention and therapeutic programs before the new onset of adolescent and young adult depression. This could provide crucial information on the optimal timing and targets to policy-makers in China.
In the current study, we conducted a two-stage cross-sectional epidemiological survey among youth who had just passed the CEE and were enrolled at Hunan Normal University (HNU). We aimed to investigate four questions in the sample population to provide basic information for adolescent and young adult depression onset during this crucial developmental period. First, what is the cumulative incidence of DDs during the period from pre-CEE to post-matriculation and the prevalence of DDs among youth who take the CEE and successfully compete for matriculation? Second, what is the distribution of the age of onset, especially the proportion of new-onset DDs from pre-CEE to post-matriculation? Third, what proportion of individuals with DDs have received treatment? Fourth, what sociopsychological factors are associated with the elevated risk of DDs in this critical period?
Given that the most stressful periods during the CEE and matriculation are 3 months before CEE (i.e., the lead up to the exam in the final semester of high school from about March 1st to June 7th [
19,
20]), 3 months after CEE (i.e., due to mental conflict regarding the CEE scores and college admission [
49]), and 3 months after matriculation (i.e., adapting to the collective life of 1-month military training and sharing a dormitory with 4–12 people [
21]), we used a 9-month period (i.e., 3 months pre-CEE, 3 months post-CEE, and 3 months post-matriculation) to capture the most challenging period for depression onset among youth during this transition. To determine the distribution of age of onset among the sample, based on previous studies [
13,
50,
51], we divided age of onset into five periods: childhood onset (ages < 12 years), early adolescence onset (ages 12–13 years), mid-adolescence onset (ages 14–15 years), late adolescence onset (ages 16–17 years), and early adulthood onset (ages 18–22 years), to maximize the probability of identifying developmentally and clinically meaningful age-of-onset periods while enabling comparisons with published works.
To identify factors that place youth at risk for experiencing depression, we examined the associations between depressive disorders and a range of important demographic and sociopsychological correlates. In examining family characteristics, studies have shown that family composition and dysfunction are linked to depression, which includes parents’ divorce, single-parent, parental loss [
1,
52] and family conflict and abuse [
24,
25]). Researchers have also found that mothers’ level of education is associated with offspring depression, although different cultures have different characteristics on this issue [
53,
54]. Many studies have documented that, starting in adolescence, the proportion of people who experience this disorder is higher for females than for males [
12,
55‐
57]). Some research, however, has indicated that the sex difference temporarily diminishes in early adulthood [
55]. Finally, there is mounting evidence of experiencing major life events during adolescence that make individuals vulnerable to depression [
22,
24,
25,
58]. In light of the critical need for the information of adolescent depression onset during the CEE to matriculation in China, the addressed questions would offer the essential information and practical implications for the targeted intervention of adolescent depression.
Discussion
Using a two-stage diagnosed interview focusing on the stressful periods from pre-CEE to post-matriculation, we presented a scarce epidemiological investigation of the cumulative incidence, prevalence, age of onset, psychosocial correlates, and treatment of DDs among youth who took the CEE and enrolled at HUN in China. The findings showed that during the period from
gaokao to college, the 9-month incidence of DDs was 2.3% (S.E. 0.3%), which is similar to the global annual incidence (3.0% [
88]). Critically, over one-third (36.5%) of depressed youth had their first onset during the 9-month period, which indicates a high proportion of new onset depression in the period from the CEE to matriculation among the youth sample. The sex-adjusted 1-month, 6-month and lifetime prevalence were 0.7% (S.E. 0.3%), 1.7% (0.2%) and 7.5% (1.3%), respectively, which are much lower than the global point (7.2% [
88] – 8.0% [
89]) and lifetime prevalence (19% for MDD [
89]). The median age of onset was 17 (interquartile range: 16–18) years. The risk factors for depression included having mothers with higher education, experiencing major life events, being female, and experiencing parental divorce or death. The adjusted lifetime treatment rate was 8.7%. The findings suggest that the transitional period from high school to college is a high-risk time for adolescent and young adult depression onset and some specific sociopsychological risk factors involving depression among youth in China. This information would provide crucial information on the optimal timing and targets to policy-makers for depression prevention in China.
Prevalence of depressive disorder
The lifetime prevalence rate for DDs in the youth sample was 7.5%, which was comparable to those reported in the recent China Mental Health Survey of community residents aged 18 years or older [
90], in which the weighted lifetime prevalence of DDs was 6.8%. In addition, the lifetime prevalence rate of MDD in the sample is similar to that in previous surveys among college students in China [
16,
91]. Notably, our data specifically showed that the lifetime prevalence of MDD in male students (6.4%) was significantly higher than that in female students (3.2%). In contrast, the 6-month prevalence and the 9-month cumulative incidence rates in females were significantly higher than those in males. Similar results have been found among college students in China [
16,
92]. Further investigation is needed to determine the probable reasons for the higher lifetime prevalence of MDD in male students, but higher 6-month prevalence and 9-month incidence rates in female students in the sample population.
Age of onset
Regarding the age of onset of DDs, the study showed that the sex-adjusted standardized distribution is 1.3% of the depressed youth onset in childhood, 5.8% in early adolescence, 14.4% in mid-adolescence, 34.0% in late adolescence and 38.7% in early adulthood. Similar patterns have been found in large clinical sample investigations [
50] and epidemiological surveys [
57], as well as longitudinal studies and the meta-analysis on depression continuities between adolescence and young adulthood [
12,
13]. The results may indicate that the period from late adolescence to early adulthood might be high-risk times for first-onset depression across cultures.
Correlates
Our demographic-sociopsychological correlates of depressive disorders are consistent with those of many previous studies. These results showed that family composition and parental loss during childhood predict later depression [
58,
93]. Stress during the past 12 months is the strongest predictive factor for the severity of MDD in college freshmen [
94]. Moreover, our results showed that offspring of mothers with more than 13 years of education are associated with an elevated risk for DDs. This finding is in contrast to the results from Western cultures, which indicated that the offspring of mothers with less than a secondary-school level of education were twice as likely to experience a major episode of depression in early adulthood relative to those whose mothers had more education [
54]. This might be a cultural characteristic of risk factors for adolescent depression [
53]. As noted, parents in Mainland China have been found to be more directive in their parenting and downplay the expression of warmth (i.e., authoritarian), in line with traditional Confucian beliefs in emotional reservedness [
95‐
97]. The probable reason may involve cultural factors impacting the maternal patterns of parenting [
98], such as high parental expectations, authoritarianism [
53] and control [
99], among mothers with higher education in China. The results have a similar pattern as the data of the WMH survey on the association of education years with the risk of depression in China. In Shenzhen, the least educated individuals had the lowest risk of major depressive episodes (MDEs), whereas in high-income countries, the least educated had the highest risk of MDEs [
100].
Interestingly, our findings simultaneously showed that lifetime DDs were negatively correlated with fathers educated for more than 7–9 years or 13 years. This might reflect cultural factors impact on patterns of parenting of mothers and fathers in China, and their association with DDs. As a series of cross-cultural comparisons between Chinese and Western parents [
101‐
104] showed that Chinese mothers and fathers were more authoritarian (i.e., physical coercion, verbal hostility, and nonreasoning oriented regulation) than their Western counterparts. Somewhat surprisingly, researchers found that Chinese fathers were rated as less authoritarian than Chinese mothers [
103]. In addition, on perceived parenting and risk for major depression in Chinese women[
53], researchers also found that the pathogenic effect of maternal authoritarianism was stronger than that of paternal authoritarianism for risks of MDD. Furthermore, for protectiveness (i.e., an overprotective and controlling parental style), the researchers surprisingly found that paternal protectiveness was negatively associated with risk for MDD while maternal protectiveness was positively associated with risk for MDD[
53]. High parental protectiveness is generally pathogenic in Western countries but protective in China, especially when received from the father [
53]. This further supported cultural factors impact on patterns of parenting of mothers and fathers, and their risk for DDs in China. Replication is needed.
Treatment rate
Unfortunately, we show that the treatment rate of depressive disorders was considerably low in youth in the sample, which suggests that the low service utilization for depression is a greater problem in young people in China. Again, these findings are consistent with the previous data from four provinces [
74], the national epidemiological survey from China [
90], and the WMH survey in developing countries [
15,
105]. Possible reasons for this may include the stigma associated with depression, cultural response bias partly due to stoicism—a relatively high tolerance for or denial of emotional suffering of depression [
106], and the scarcity of access to service due to the fact that available services are concentrated in urban-based specialty psychiatric hospitals, and most suburban and rural areas have little or no access to mental health services [
74,
107,
108].
Prevention of adolescent and young adult depression
Transitioning from high school to college is an important developmental milestone that holds the potential for personal growth and behavioral change [
109]. The evidence showed that negative life experiences in this transition period are uniquely associated with depressive symptom trajectories even after adjusting the effects of adolescent characteristics [
110]. Specifically, negative and stressful life experiences maintain or rapidly elevate depressive symptoms during this developmental period [
111]. As the period from high school to college involves a number of significant life-transition experiences, reducing negative life experiences and increasing positive life experiences is vital. However, the evidence showed that the vast majority (86.1%) of young people during 4–10 weeks before taking the CEE experienced moderate to extreme stress and 43.6% had depressive symptoms in Taiwan [
19]. Numerous studies have shown that 16.7–35.4% of Chinese freshmen experience moderate to severe depressive symptoms in the first year [
21,
91,
112,
113], especially at 3 months after admission [
21]. Our findings also showed 16.6% (S.E. 0.5%) sex-adjusted prevalence of self-reported depressive symptoms, 11.5% (S.E. 0.4%) self-reported suicidal ideation and 5.8% (S.E. 1.3%) suicidal ideation by interview among the youth sample (Supplemental Tables
4 and Supplemental Fig.
1). Given the far-reaching consequences of adolescent and young adult depression, timely and effective intervention need be taken before the new onset.
Given that this study focused on young people who successfully passed the CEE and enrolled at HUN, the rates of new-onset depression might be higher on those who took the CEE but failed to enroll at the university. There are two aspects of this evidence. On the one hand, a series of studies demonstrated that returnees who failed the CEE had serious mental health problems compared to their peers in China [
114‐
117]. On the other hand, the WMH surveys, including a Chinese adolescent sample, demonstrated that college students had a significantly lower MDD prevalence than nonstudents in the same age range from 18 to 22 [
15].
Given the early age of onset (median 17 years) and a high proportion of new-onset depression during the period from the CEE to matriculation, depression might have serious adverse effects on this critical developmental transition. For example, previous results from a WMH survey showed that mental disorders with pre-matriculation onset were more important than those with post-matriculation onset in predicting subsequent college attrition [
15]. As depression is associated with a significantly elevated disease burden [
9], post-dysfunctional harms [
118,
119] and the risk of early death [
10,
11], screening youth in high-risk times (ages14–22), from middle-to-late adolescence to early adulthood (Fig.
2B), might prevent the disorders and decrease harm early. Additionally, the subsequent offer of specific interventions such as evidence-based cognitive behavior treatment (CBT) [
120,
121] and negative attentional bias modification training [
122] to high-risk youth or those who have depressive symptoms (indicated prevention) might result in a more developmental approach to the prevention of depressive disorders before its peak onset. For those with moderate-to-severe depressive disorders, the strong evidence supported that psychotherapy (e.g., CBT) combining with pharmacotherapy (e.g., fluoxetine) seems to be the best choice [
123,
124]. For the likely cost-effectiveness of expanded depression prevention and treatment from a societal perspective, an allocation of mental health resources may focus on innovative, low-threshold, inexpensive, and scalable interventions, such as computerized cognitive training [
125], to prevent and treat adolescent depression [
125] in large, scalable self-help procedures. This may ultimately help reduce this disorder’s large burden and alleviate its post-dysfunctional harms in youth.
Admittedly, the scarcity of access to and availability of some treatments (notably CBT) for depression in non-specialist contexts is a major concern in low-income and middle-income countries [
126,
127]. Currently, the Action Plan to Develop Specialized Services for the Prevention and Treatment of Depressive Disorders [
128] in China is a significant policy in the progress of mental health services. However, to implement the Plan, several major challenges need be addressed, such as lack of resources, lack of united action, and insufficient awareness of depression [
129,
130]. Thus, prevention and treatment for depression, especially the improved access of services is a long-term process cross low-income and middle-income countries [
131], including China [
129,
130].
Limitations
Although our study is the first investigation that uses the K-SADS-LP, a standardized diagnostic tool, to assess the incidence, first-onset age, distribution of depression, specific sociopsychological risk factors, and service of use for depression among Chinese youth in the pivotal developmental period, several limitations need be noted.
First, as the survey was conducted in one of the “211” universities, caution should be taken when generalizing the data, even if a previous study showed that no difference in the distribution of depressive disorders among youth across the key and ordinary universities in China [
91]. Specifically, although it is an accurate estimate of the new-onset DD rates with high response (98.5%) and interview rates (100%) among the census sample of youth passing CEE to HUN, it might only represent depression distribution, its correlates, and treatment for the sample youth. Second, the incidence and age of onset were estimated through diagnostic interviews of participants’ reports, so recall bias is inevitable [
132]. Even a salient marker of the CEE was used to improve the accuracy of recalling symptoms and disorder onset in critical periods. Third, using a retrospective approach, the distribution of age of onset among youth with depression might lead to definitive results [
133]. In other words, there might be a potential bias on the age of onset of depression due to the restricted age of the youth sample. Fourth, although the results were adjusted for the sex ratio according to the national data, the sample population consisted of a large proportion of females. Fifth, the cross-sectional nature of the surveys makes it impossible to determine the temporal direction of associations between demographic-sociopsychological variables and depressive disorders.
Despite these limitations, the results present some valuable information on the depression distribution and onset in the pivotal epochs between late adolescence and early adulthood. It also reveals the specific high-risk period for the onset of depression and specific social-cultural risk factors for depression among youth in China. Meanwhile, the research reconfirms findings from previous epidemiological studies.
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