Quantitative
Overall, 15.67% (
N = 282) of the respondents reported physical violence, 18.07% (
N = 325) reported sexual violence, and 25.28% (
N = 455) reported physical and/or sexual violence. Table
1 shows distribution of covariates within the sample and their associations with physical and / or sexual IPV, using a fully adjusted model. When examined simultaneously in a multivariate logistic regression, caste
(Disadvantaged non-Dalit and Janajatis, OR 1.71 [95%CI = 1.23, 2.38]) was associated with increased odds of being exposed to IPV. With regard to financial factors, multivariate analyses indicated that participant employment (less earnings than husband, OR 1.49 [95%CI = 1.08, 2.04]; equivalent earnings to husband’s earnings, OR 1.79 [95%CI = 1.28, 2.50]), and experiencing financial stress were associated with a higher likelihood of IPV exposure (OR 1.59, [95%CI = 1.22, 2.09]). Considering couple relations, we found that couples who quarreled were more likely to be exposed to IPV (OR 4.55, [95%CI = 3.26, 6.35]), and that husbands who were drunk frequently were more likely to perpetrate IPV (OR 2.38, [95%CI = 1.69, 3.36]). Taking the larger family into context, findings indicated that exposure to IPV as a child, for both wife and husband, was associated with increased likelihood of IPV exposure for the wife (OR 1.60 [95%CI = 1.19, 2.14]; OR 1.64, [95%CI = 1.17, 2.30], respectively), and that participants who experienced violence from their in-laws in past 12 months were more likely to have been exposed to IPV from their husbands (OR 2.82, [95%CI = 2.01, 3.96]). Additionally, when the respondent answered that they did not know whether the husband had ever been exposed to IPV as a child, they more likely to have been exposed to IPV within the past 12 months (OR 1.43, [95%CI = 1.06, 1.94]).
Table 1
Sociodemographic Characteristics of the Sample and Bivariate and Multivariate Association with Physical and / or Sexual IPV (N = 1800)
Caste |
Uppercaste and relatively advantaged Janajatis | 833 | 46.36 | REF | |
Disadvantaged non-Dalit and Janajatis | 812 | 45.19 |
1.71**
|
(1.23, 2.38)
|
Dalit and religious minorities | 152 | 8.46 | 1.46 | (0.98, 2.18) |
Age at Marriage |
< 15 | 226 | 12.56 | REF | |
15–17 | 646 | 35.89 | 0.92 | (0.60, 1.41) |
18–20 | 615 | 34.17 | 0.99 | (0.65, 1.50) |
21+ | 313 | 17.39 | 0.81 | (0.49, 1.35) |
Marriage Type |
Arranged w/consent | 1148 | 63.78 | REF | |
Arranged w/o consent | 170 | 9.44 | 1.32 | (0.87, 2.01) |
Love w/fam blessing | 185 | 10.28 | 0.91 | (0.57, 1.45) |
Love w/o fam blessing | 297 | 16.5 | 0.79 | (0.56, 1.12) |
Wife Education | 1.31 | 1.10 | 1.13 | (0.94, 1.34) |
Husband Education | 1.78 | 1.01 | 0.88 | (0.76, 1.01) |
Wife Employment |
Unemployed | 941 | 52.28 | REF | |
Earns less than her husband | 521 | 28.94 |
1.49*
|
(1.08, 2.04)
|
Earns the same amount as her husband | 269 | 14.94 |
1.79**
|
(1.28, 2.50)
|
Earns more than her husband | 69 | 3.83 | 1.44 | (0.72, 2.87) |
Income Stress | 806 | 44.88 |
1.59**
|
(1.22, 2.09)
|
Marital Communication (mean/SD) | 1.89 | 0.85 |
0.72**
|
(0.62, 0.83)
|
Quarrelling | 1208 | 67.11 |
4.55**
|
(3.26, 6.35)
|
Husband Frequently Drunk | 426 | 23.67 |
2.38**
|
(1.69, 3.36)
|
Wife Exposed to IPV As a Child | 380 | 21.11 |
1.60**
|
(1.19, 2.14)
|
Husband Exposed to IPV As a Child |
No | 1159 | 64.39 | REF | |
Yes | 273 | 15.17 |
1.64**
|
(1.17, 2.30)
|
Don’t know | 368 | 20.44 |
1.43*
|
(1.06, 1.94)
|
In-law Violence | 184 | 10.26 |
2.82**
|
(2.01, 3.96)
|
Gender Equitable Attitudes (mean/SD) | 1.10 | 0.49 | 0.99 | (0.96, 1.02) |
Gender Equitable Normative Expectations (mean/SD) | 1.03 | 0.54 |
0.95**
|
(0.92, 0.98)
|
District |
Nawalparasi | 600 | 33.33 | REF | |
Chitwan | 600 | 33.33 |
0.66*
|
(0.48, 0.91)
|
Kapilvastu | 600 | 33.33 | 0.98 | (0.66, 1.44) |
Alternatively, we found that couples with good communication had a lower risk of IPV (OR 0.72, [95%CI = 0.62, 0.83]). With regards to attitudes and norms, findings indicated that while gender equitable attitudes had no association with IPV exposure, participants who perceived their communities to be more gender equitable had a reduced likelihood of IPV exposure (OR 0.95, [95%CI = 0.92, 0.98]). Further, risk of IPV among women in Chitwan was lower than that of women in Nawalparasi in the fully adjusted model (OR 0.66, [95%CI = 0.48, 0.91]).
Case study
Code and case-based analyses resulted in the development of case studies, which exemplify how risk and protective factors affect women’s risk of IPV. This case presented in this manuscript was selected as it represents common themes identified in the analysis, including the wife’s exposure to violence as a child, husband’s alcohol use, and marital quarrelling. While not included in the survey, but established by previous research, husband’s gender-equitable attitudes was also a common theme in the case study.
This particular couple had been married 7 years and shared two children. While it was unclear if the husband was exposed to abuse as a child, the wife explained, “When I was small my dad would raise hands at my mother, and even my brother hitting 1-2 slaps,” which may have normalized ideas of violence in marriage and influenced her tolerance of violence within her own marriage. Despite this, the wife expressed disapproval of both sexual and physical violence.
The husband expressed fairly gender equitable views related to sexual violence, “Sexual relationship should be mutual. If both of us are not interested, then it shouldn’t be forced as well… forcing it on her is violence”, and gendered division of labor, “Others tell me that men don’t wash clothes, clean dishes and that it’s shameful washing or doing household chores. I don’t feel the same. I tell them - what is the shame in cleaning your own dishes or clothes that you bought with your own money?.” His attitudes toward acceptability of physical violence, however, were less equitable, and posited that women’s reactions to violence against them were often dramatic, “I have seen wives who leave their husbands after getting one or two slaps. They exaggerate, I see them getting one or two slaps. But they go around talking like as if they have been beaten up severely.”
The presence of physical violence within their own marriage was discussed by both spouses, wherein they each situated violent incidents within quarrels induced by husband drunkenness. When asked about any bad habits of her husband, the wife described only one, “No nothing at all. It’s just that he hits me when he is drunk”. She explained that her husband became violent when she confronted and scolded him for being drunk: “He gets angry, and I say you came home drinking, and he says don’t talk to me when I am drunk…you get hit so don’t speak a word, shut your mouth when am drunk”. When asked the cause of the violence, the wife attributed it solely to her husband’s drunkenness and insisted that everything else remained positive: “It’s only because of alcohol. There are no other reasons. Where ever I want to go, he does not object on that. If I want to go to have fun he never object, I don’t have money if you have you can go he says, or if you don’t have you can manage and go I’ll pay later”.
Reflective of his attitudes about violence, the husband discussed incidents of physical violence lightheartedly, “In those times, one or two slaps are given. (laughs) I say ‘How many times do I have to tell you not to talk to me when I am drunk’”. During some of these incidents, he explained that his wife hit him back. He recalled his wife saying, “If it’s okay for you to give me a slap, then I will slap you too … It’s not just you who has hands, I have too”. He then further explained that there were limitations to these instances, “When I am very angry, my wife doesn’t raise her hand”. The wife explained she had begun trying to avoid violence when her husband was drunk: “Now I won’t speak [about] how much he drinks or comes late at home…even if I want to, I won’t… I will keep my mouth shut”. Due to this, the physical violence had decreased; however, intimidation and drunken threats of violence had persisted, which instilled fear in the wife, “[He] does show me fear. I’ll hit you he says, and obviously I get scared by that”.
Several factors, such as fairly frequent communication between the couple and the wife’s empowerment to leave the house whenever she wanted, may have been protective within this marriage. However, the interplay between wife’s exposure to violence, husband’s attitudes related to the acceptability of violence and alcohol-related quarrelling increased the risk for perpetration and victimization of IPV, including retaliatory violence on the part of the wife.